South Sudan rebels 'committed' to ceasefire

South Sudanese rebel leader Riek Machar has told the BBC he is still committed to a peace deal, despite accusing the government of violating a ceasefire.He said he wanted further "dialogue" with the government, also alleging that President Salva Kiir was not in control of some of the forces fighting for him.The government earlier accused the rebels of flagrant violations of the truce, but said it would not break it.The peace deal to end the five-month conflict was signed on Friday.Thousands of people have been killed and at least 1.5 million have been displaced, according to UN estimates. Some five million citizens of the world's newest country are currently believed to be in need of emergency aid, facing mass hunger. 'Agenda for dialogue' Mr Machar was speaking to Stephen Sackur on the BBC's HARDtalk programme and the BBC Arabic Service in the Ethiopian capital Addis Ababa, where the deal was signed.South Sudanese People's Liberation Army (SPLA) soldiers in Bentiu. Both the government and the rebels accuse each other of launching attacks in Bentiu,Displaced South Sudanese children in the Malakal camp, Upper Nile State. At least 1.5 million across South Sudan are now displaced, according to the UN Ethiopian Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn, right, looks on as South Sudan's rebel leader Riek Machar, centre and South Sudan's President Salva Kiir exchange signed peace agreement documents in Addis Ababa, 9 May 2014. President Salva Kiir and rebel leader Riek Machar signed the deal in Ethiopia on Friday "We will negotiate with him [President Kiir]... for the sake of the people of South Sudan, we will negotiate and reach a political settlement", Mr Machar said. "Finally, the government accepted the agenda for dialogue which they were refusing before signing the deal. We also accepted this agenda."The rebel leader also accused government troops of launching attacks in five locations, including in the town of Bentiu in oil-rich Unity State. Mr Machar alleged that President Kiir was not in full control of the forces fighting for him, like Ugandan troops and fighters from Darfur, and accused him of inciting ethnic hatred. Earlier, Sudanese Information Minister Michael Makuei accused the rebels of violating the ceasefire. But speaking to BBC Africa, Mr Makuei stressed the government "will continue to abide by and respect the agreement". "And we call upon the international community to mount pressure on the rebels so that they respect and abide by their commitment." There has been no independent verification of either side's claims of launching attacks. In Addis Ababa, President Kiir Mr Machar met face-to-face for the first time since hostilities broke out and agreed to halt fighting within 24 hours. A previous deal, made in January, collapsed in days, with each side accusing the other of breaching terms. Earlier, the UN called on both sides to facilitate deliveries of emergency aid to a population in danger of mass hunger. 'Crimes against humanity' The UN has accused both the South Sudanese government and the rebels of crimes against humanity, including mass killings and gang-rape. The violence began when President Kiir accused his sacked deputy Mr Machar of plotting a coup. Mr Machar denied the allegation, but then marshalled a rebel army to fight the government. The battle assumed ethnic overtones, with Mr Machar relying heavily on fighters from his Nuer ethnic group and Mr Kiir from his Dinka community. The UN has about 8,500 peacekeepers in South Sudan. However, they have struggled to contain the conflict. South Sudan gained independence in 2011, breaking away from Sudan after decades of conflict between rebels and the Khartoum government. Map of South Sudan states affected by conflict Fighting erupted in the South Sudan capital, Juba, in mid-December. It followed a political power struggle between President Salva Kiir and his ex-deputy Riek Machar. The squabble has taken on an ethnic dimension as politicians' political bases are often ethnic.

China to build new East Africa railway line

Formal agreements for plans to build a new railway line in East Africa with Chinese help have been signed in the Kenyan capital, Nairobi. It is to run from Mombasa to Nairobi and will extend eventually to Uganda, Rwanda, Burundi and South Sudan. In Kenya, the line is to replace a narrow-gauge track built more than 100 years ago during British colonial rule. China is to finance 90% of the first stage, put at $3.8bn (£2.3bn), with work carried out by a Chinese firm. Uhuru Kenyatta Kenyan President High speeds Construction work on the standard gauge line is expected to start in October this year, and the 610km (380-mile) stretch from the coast to Nairobi is due to be finished in early 2018. "The costs of moving our people and our goods... across our borders will fall sharply," Kenyan President Uhuru Kenyatta told a news conference after the signing also attended by the leaders of China, Uganda, Rwanda and South Sudan and representatives from Tanzania, Burundi and the African Development Bank. In November last year, Mr Kenyatta laid the foundation stone in Mombasa for the first phase of the project. He had said the new link should cut the cost of sending a tonne of freight one kilometre from 20 US cents to eight, Reuters news agency reported. Passenger trains will travel at a top speed of 120km/h (75 mph), while freight trains will have a maximum speed of 80km/h. "This project demonstrates that there is equal co-operation and mutual benefit between China and the East African countries, and the railway is a very important part of transport infrastructure development," said Chinese Prime Minister Li Keqiang. A subsidiary of China Communications Construction Co has been named as the main contractor. According to the terms of the agreement, China's Eximbank is to provide 90% of the cost of the first phase of the line, with Kenya putting up the remaining 10%. After that stage is complete, it is planned that work on the links to other countries in the region will start. Construction of the original line began in Mombasa 1895 and the railway reached Nairobi in 1899. It reached the shore of Lake Victoria in December 1901. During the difficult and often dangerous work, at least 2,000 workers lost their lives - many of them Indian labourers imported to East Africa to build the railway. Malaria, dysentery and other diseases took their toll as well as accidents and wild animals.

Why is the U.S hunting for Joseph Kony?

In February US President Barack Obama publicly condemned a bill criminalising homosexuality in Uganda, cautioning Uganda's President Yoweri Museveni that "enacting this legislation will complicate our valued relationship". Yet five weeks later Obama notified Congress that the US was sending 150 Air Force Special Operations forces and other personnel, plus several CV-22 Ospreys and refuelling aircraft, to aid Uganda's 25-year pursuit of Joseph Kony, leader of the notorious Lord's Resistance Army (LRA). Shortly after, the US military abruptly announced that it was pulling the aircraft out of the mission. What is going on? These twists and turns are puzzling - and troubling - and not just because they undercut well-deserved US denunciation of Uganda's new anti-homosexuality law. Moreover, the recent dispatch of US military support to Uganda to hunt Kony comes at a time when the threat posed by the LRA is vastly overshadowed by far more troubling armed violence in the three Central African countries where LRA fighters are located. In the Central African Republic (CAR), opposing armed groups have for months committed massive atrocities and pushed an already weak and troubled state to the brink of collapse. Immediately east of CAR, the world's newest nation - South Sudan - is embroiled in an armed conflict that began in December as a power struggle within the country's ruling political party, but has escalated into widespread fighting that threatens an extended civil war, with dangerous ethnic overtones. And just to CAR's south, in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), the long-suffering population continues to be preyed upon by many armed groups besides the LRA, not least the country's army. While the US has voiced alarm about these emergencies, until recently it has provided limited practical assistance. US Secretary of State John Kerry's recent visits to South Sudan and DRC could change this, although it is as yet unclear what the effect of these visits will be. In this context, the high priority of the LRA in US policy is surprising. The dissolution of the LRA Originally an insurgency based in northern Uganda, the LRA became notorious between 1988-2006 for atrocities against civilians (including killings, mutilations and abductions), although Ugandan government army abuses and structural violence was even more deadly, especially the government policy of forced internal displacement of 1.2 million people at the epicentre of the war. Listening Post - Feature: Kony 2012: The new kids on the media block Following failed peace talks in late 2008, the LRA scattered across wide swaths of heavily forested and lightly administered territory in adjacent parts of the DRC, South Sudan and CAR. There, an initial phase of large-scale LRA killings, abductions and civilian displacements in the region has been succeeded by dwindling rebel strength. Operating far from their original northern Uganda base - and hunted, if sporadically, by Ugandan and other national armies since (recently operating under an African Union mandate) - the LRA managed their last large-scale attacks in the totalling in early 2010. Since then they have splintered into ever smaller, increasingly uncoordinated bands totaling probably less than 200 fighters. When the last sizable group of 19 LRA fighters abandoned the movement and came out of the bush in December 2013, for example, our interviews with this group showed how they had no contact with the rebel high command for for up to two-and-a-half years. While some LRA attacks and (mostly short-term) abductions continue, the frequency and severity of such incidents has fallen to a level where the rebel group has become a relatively minor threat. Indeed, violent killings attributed to the LRA in rebel-affected areas of northeastern DRC last year occurred at a rate far less than in the US: 2.9 per 100,000 population (our estimate) vs 4.8 per 100,000 in the US. And although no similar statistics are available for the CAR or South Sudan, the armed conflicts currently under way in both these countries have undoubtedly resulted in casualties and displacements far surpassing - and unrelated to - those caused by the LRA . Why is Kony still important? Yet the US has just committed more military personnel and equipment to hunt Kony. In October 2011 when the first 100 US troops were deployed, the LRA was already much weakened. This was even more the case by early 2014 when the latest US military commitment was announced. So, again, what is going on? The only reasonable explanation is that the LRA has become an almost exclusively internal US issue, driven by domestic US politics rather than realities on the ground in Central Africa. Inside Story - 'Kony 2012': The future of activism First, there is the influence of the advocacy groups. The most visible of these is Invisible Children (IC). Launched by a short film of the same name in 2004, IC became a US popular culture phenomenon, lucrative fund raiser, and powerful voice focusing on the LRA. Indeed, IC - along with the Enough Project and Resolve - was crucial in convincing the Obama administration to send the first advisers and supporting equipment to help Uganda "capture or kill" Kony. Second, for the administration (with rare bipartisan support in Congress), the LRA issue seemed an easy political win: With relatively little effort - a handful of troops - the US could help catch one of the world's most wanted men while satisfying an important domestic political constituency. One former US government source told us that Obama never directly informed Museveni about this initial dispatch of US troops, announcing it instead in a Washington press conference - an unmistakable signal of the policy's centre of gravity, and to which audience the policy needed most to be communicated. Third, shifting US power relations with respect to the LRA policy proved highly influential. The centre of gravity over the last year has swung towards the Department of Defense, with a more pro-active AFRICOM command promoting greater engagement in the hunt for Kony. This could explain the delivery of the Osprey aircraft. The fact that they were abruptly recalled only a month later reinforces our argument that US decisions, even by the US military, are being taken independently of the situation on the ground. By framing the LRA issue as a personal and technical military problem, rather than a political one, a single goal - with a short timeline - has been set: to catch Kony. In this scenario, both Invisible Children and the Obama administration are caught in a trap of their own making (even if the trap was bated by the Ugandan government, which has long promoted the same view of the LRA "problem"). In this situation, US withdrawal from the hunt would be perceived as a failure, both for the government and advocacy groups such as Invisible Children. Pressure to succeed is heightened by the fact that momentum surrounding the LRA issue is diminishing, or has already passed. Support for IC has recently plummeted: donations are sharply down resulting in a one-third reduction in staff and many programmes cut or eliminated. In recent interviews, remaining IC staffers indicate they would not mind moving on, but feel stuck in trying to raise attention for a dying cause. A similar logic holds for the Obama administration: If it is to gain further political capital out of the LRA issue it needs to act - and succeed - fast. In sum, the projection of US internal politics and the influence of US advocacy groups into the violent Central African region has led to an extremely cynical situation: An important US intervention in what constitutes a minor problem is occurring in the midst of truly large-scale violence and instability which has failed to prompt commensurate US political or material support. This myopic and distorted vision has exaggerated the significance of the LRA and obscured the major drivers of insecurity and armed violence in Central Africa, to the detriment not only of those caught up in that violence but genuine strategic and humanitarian interests.

Oromo Protests

By: Abdikani Hussein,More than 11 university student protesters have been killed in Ethiopia after clashes with the country's police this week. The violence follows demonstrations led by ethnic Oromo students from multiple universities across Oromia state who are against the government's "Integrated Development Master Plan". Oromos are calling on the government to scrap the Addis Ababa expansion plan, saying it would encroach onto Oromia land. The Oromo are Ethiopia's largest ethnic group with a population of more than 25 million. Many fear the expansion will threaten Oromia's sovereignty. However, officials say the plan has been a long time coming and would provide benefits to the Oromo state. Online activists are mobilising around the hashtag #OromoProtests.

Ethiopia protest: Ambo students killed in Oromia state

At least nine students have died during days of protests in Ethiopia's Oromia state, the government has said. However, a witness told the BBC that 47 were killed by the security forces. She said the protests in Ambo, 125km (80 miles) west of Addis Ababa began last Friday over plans to expand the capital into Oromia state. The government did not say how most of the deaths had been caused but the Ambo resident said she had seen the army firing live ammunition. Continue reading the main story Analysis James Hassam Addis Ababa The student protestors are from Ethiopia's biggest ethnic group, the Oromo, numbering around 27 million people. Oromia is the country's largest region, completely surrounding the capital Addis Ababa. Its people speak their own language - Oromifa - and see themselves as very different from the Amhara. The protesters believe they face losing their regional and cultural identity if plans to extend Addis Ababa's administrative control into parts of Oromia get the go-ahead. Some have also raised fears of the potential for land grabs. The so called "master-plan" for Addis Ababa is currently out for public consultation and the government says people are being given opportunities to raise their concerns. Officials say the plan has been well publicised and will bring city services to poor rural areas. The protestors claim they merely wanted to raise questions about the plan - but were answered with violence and intimidation. "I saw more than 20 bodies on the streets," she said. "I am hiding in my house because I am scared." The Ambo resident said that four students had been killed on Monday and another 43 in a huge security crackdown on Tuesday, after a huge demonstration including many non-students. Since then, the town's streets have been deserted, she said, with banks and shops closed and no transport. She said teaching had been suspended at Ambo University, where the protests began, and students prevented from leaving. In a statement, the government said eight people had died during violent protests led by "anti-peace forces" in the towns of Ambo and Tokeekutayu, as well as Meda Welabu University, also in Oromia state. It said one person had been killed "in a related development" when a hand grenade was thrown at students watching a football match. The statement blamed the protests on "baseless rumours" being spread about the "integrated development master plan" for the capital. BBC Ethiopia analyst Hewete Haileselassie says some ethnic Oromos feel the government is dominated by members of the Tigre and Amhara communities and they would be loath to see the size of "their" territory diminish with the expansion of Addis Ababa, which is claimed by both Oromos and Amharas.

Obama praises Djibouti security cooperation, says US will sign long-term lease for base

President Barack Obama, right, shakes hands with President Ismail Omar Guelleh of Djibouti, left, during a press availability before their bilateral meeting in the Oval Office of the White House in Washington, Monday, May 5, 2014. (AP Photo/Susan Walsh) Monday, May 5, 2014 WASHINGTON (AP) — The Obama administration has finalized a 10-year agreement with Djibouti to keep U.S. troops at a military base in the East African nation that houses special forces and serves as a launching point for drones. "This is a critical facility that we maintain in Djibouti," President Barack Obama said Monday during an Oval Office meeting with Djibouti's President Ismail Omar Guelleh. "We could not do it without the president's cooperation. We're grateful for him agreeing for a long-term presence there." Djibouti, a tiny nation of less than 1 million people, has become a linchpin of U.S. anti-terrorism efforts in Africa and the Middle East. The U.S. military base Camp Lemonnier houses conventional forces, as well as special forces and aerial drones believed to be flown over Yemen and Somalia. An administration official said the new $63 million per year lease would allow the U.S. to keep personnel and equipment at the camp for 10 more years. The agreement includes an option to extend the lease for an additional 10 years without renegotiating the terms, as well as a provision to extend for an additional 10 years beyond that at a renegotiated rate, according to the official. The official insisted on anonymity because this person was not authorized to discuss the agreement publicly by name. The terms of the lease indicate that the U.S. is likely to maintain a long-term military presence in Djibouti. Camp Lemonnier is the only U.S. base in sub-Saharan Africa. Guelleh said his country's arrangement with U.S. forces is a sign of Djibouti's "support for international peace and for peace in our region as we President Barack Obama, right, shakes hands with President Ismail Omar Guelleh of Djibouti, left, during a press availability before their bilateral meeting in the Oval Office of the White House in Washington, Monday, May 5, 2014. By JULIE PACE, AP White House Correspondent Monday, May 5, 2014 WASHINGTON (AP) — The Obama administration has finalized a 10-year agreement with Djibouti to keep U.S. troops at a military base in the East African nation that houses special forces and serves as a launching point for drones. "This is a critical facility that we maintain in Djibouti," President Barack Obama said Monday during an Oval Office meeting with Djibouti's President Ismail Omar Guelleh. "We could not do it without the president's cooperation. We're grateful for him agreeing for a long-term presence there." Djibouti, a tiny nation of less than 1 million people, has become a linchpin of U.S. anti-terrorism efforts in Africa and the Middle East. The U.S. military base Camp Lemonnier houses conventional forces, as well as special forces and aerial drones believed to be flown over Yemen and Somalia. An administration official said the new $63 million per year lease would allow the U.S. to keep personnel and equipment at the camp for 10 more years. The agreement includes an option to extend the lease for an additional 10 years without renegotiating the terms, as well as a provision to extend for an additional 10 years beyond that at a renegotiated rate, according to the official. The official insisted on anonymity because this person was not authorized to discuss the agreement publicly by name. The terms of the lease indicate that the U.S. is likely to maintain a long-term military presence in Djibouti. Camp Lemonnier is the only U.S. base in sub-Saharan Africa. Guelleh said his country's arrangement with U.S. forces is a sign of Djibouti's "support for international peace and for peace in our region as we

US deploys small military team to Somalia

The military of Somalia was in faction until 1991, made up of the army, navy, air force, and air defense command. The outbreak of the Somali Civil War during that year led to the de facto dissolution of the national armed forces. However, efforts to re-establish a regular armed force by a re-constituted Somali federal government have made progress so far. The military of Somalia is now overseen by the TFG Ministry of Defense, a branch of Somalia's new Transitional Federal Government (TFG) that was formed in 2004. The Somaliland and Puntland regional governments maintain their own security and police forces.The Pentagon acknowledged Friday that the United States sent a team of military advisers to war-torn Somalia last month to help Somalia and other African forces to fight al-Shabab opposition group. The team, which the Pentagon characterized as “small,” is to provide communications, logistics and planning assistance. Its installation in Mogadishu, where a climate of car and suicide bombs, widespread fighting and very tenuous government authority has prevailed since 1991, represents the first U.S. boots on the ground since the October 1993 “Black Hawk Down” killing of American servicemen. That incident led to the withdrawal of U.S. troops who had been in Somalia since late 1992. Why is President Barack Obama changing policy on this Northeast African street without joy by again stationing U.S. forces there? His action is consistent with continuing American involvement in Somalia through a CIA presence, raids by Special Operations forces, fighter-bomber strikes, drone attacks and training and financing provided to Somali, Kenyan and other African fighters who have sought unsuccessfully to impose order there. This is also another chapter in the quest for relevance pursued by the U.S. Africa Command, created during the Bush administration in 2008. By showing that it is needed, it can better protect itself from cuts in the Pentagon budget.