EAST AFRICA Beyond The Headlines
Tuesday, October 30, 2012
By Jamal Osman, Channel 4
In Somalia, if someone is guilty of murder the victim's family has three options: forgiveness, blood money or execution. Jamal Osman travels to Bossasso to find out what it means to be on death row.
Bossasso is in the semi-autonomous region of Puntland and has the largest prison in the area, where 400 criminals accused of the most serious crimes are locked up.
Puntland has a functioning authority and is more stable than the Somali capital Mogadishu - the pirates who used to hang out in Bossasso have sailed south.
Every week Bosasso's highest court deals with serious criminal cases such as murder, terrorism and piracy.
Murderers are judged according to Somalia's sharia law and the concept of qisas, which means "equal retaliation". It states that the murder victim's family must decide the fate of the murderer.
"Once the sentence is passed, if the victim's family choose to kill, then we take the defendant to the execution site, and the killing is carried out," said Sheikh Adam Ahmed, the highest judge in Bossasso.
God's will
The day I was in court, Ismail Sheik, a fisherman, was on trial accused of killing his wife and the mother of his six children. He arrived, sweating and nervous, a small, thin man. The children, aged from two to 16, watched impassively from behind as he faced the judge.
Defending himself, Ismail told the court: "My wife and I had an argument. I tried to restrain her and then some other people got involved. They pulled us apart. Then she started screaming ... and then she collapsed. I didn't hit her. I didn't punch her. It was God's will that she died."
When your time is up, it's up. We all have to die some day, whether you're executed or die of natural causes. I'm waiting for my time. Mohamed Sanbaare
Four witnesses, including his teenager daughter, testified on his behalf.
The verdict was good news for Ismail: "According to the police and the prosecutors, his wife died at God's will," the judge announced.
"Al-humdulillah, I'm happy," Ismail said, picking up his youngest child and heading home.
Death file
Mohamed Sanbaare may not be so lucky. He is one of 67 death row prisoners at Bossasso jail. His case is in the prison's "death file" marked in red.
A convicted murderer, he has been awaiting execution for nearly four years, watching as, one by one, his 20 cellmates were taken away, never to return.
"When executions are about to happen here, you can always tell," he said.
"When your time is up, it's up. We all have to die some day, whether you're executed or die of natural causes. I'm waiting for my time."
Mohamed knows if Qasim, the guard with the prison key comes in after the morning prayer, the waiting time is over.
Whenever Qasim takes one of the alleged criminals to the office, they expect the worst. He is the man the prisoners fear most.
Human trafficking
Mohamed once worked as a fisherman but he later joined the human trafficking industry because it is more profitable. Using his fishing boat, he would ferry immigrants across the sea to Yemen. Out at sea, he shot his friend Mohamoud dead. It was, he said, an accident, and then he refused to say more. His friend was 21.
The dead man's father, Ali Faras, is a camel herder who once served in Somalia's now defunct army. The fate of his son's killer was in his hands.
"I have three options: to kill him, to pardon him or get blood money," he said.
In Islamic law, blood money is very precise - one man's life is worth the value of 100 camels. The current going price for 100 camels is about $20,000.
Mohamed's mother, Asha, was left with the impossible task of finding the money in order to save her son from execution.
"$20,000! Where will I find $20,000 from?" she said."If I can't find the money, I will lose my son."
Mohamed was the breadwinner of the family and Asha is now struggling to keep up with her rent. Facing eviction from her landlord was adding to her misery, but Ali Faras had been waiting for payment for four years, and was running out of patience.
"I am the victim and they promised to pay the blood money," he told me.
"They say they'll find it, and I told them: if you want to save your son, then pay."
The tree of death
In Bossaso's dusty cemetery, a small tree rises from the clusters of stones. People call it the tree of death. A gravedigger called Jerry - it's a nickname, given to someone with a limp - explained that condemned men are blindfolded and tied to the tree.
The local authorities then provide the family of the victim with an AK47 and five bullets. The person chosen to carry out the deed stands five metres from the tree.
"Sometimes they miss because they're shaking so much," said Jerry.
The authorities will then provide an extra five bullets, and allow the marksman to stand just two metres from his target, and have another go.
"The victim's family come here eager to finish the job," said Jerry.
"But once they shoot the man dead, they always rush away. There's a sense of guilt."
Asked how he felt about seeing prisoners killed, he shrugged.
"I'm not bothered because they are just paying for the consequences of their actions," he said. "We gravediggers don't give a damn."
By Jamal Osman, Channel 4
Tuesday, March 9, 2010
Somalia president Sheekh Shariif visiting to London
London, UK, March 8, 2010 - Somalia President met with british prime minister of England and the members of british parliament .
Monday, March 8, 2010
Monday, 08 March 2010 Latest News: Suicide Blast Rocks Lahore, 11 Dead Iraqis Vote for New Parliament Obama Hails Iraqi Vote At Least 57 Killed as Quake Strikes Eastern Turkey Iraq War Drama 'The Hurt Locker' Earns Best Picture, DirectorSuicide Blast Rocks Lahore, 11 Dead Iraqis Vote for New Parliament Obama Hails Iraqi Vote At Least 57 Killed as Quake Strikes Eastern Turkey Iraq War Drama 'The Hurt Locker' Earns Best Picture, Director
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Africa RSS Feed Significant Efforts Made to Help Sudanese Vote, Says IOM official
The head of mission of the International Organization for Migration (IOM) in Sudan, says the authorities and several other non-governmental organizations made considerable efforts to include Internally Displaced Persons (IDPS) in the upcoming nationwide poll.
A Sudanese opposition supporter shouts slogans as protesters wave the flag of Sudan People's Liberation Movement (SPLM) during a demonstration against the government in Khartoum, 07 Dec 2009
In Southern Sudan, there is ongoing displacement because of inter-tribal violence which is often not paid much attention to in the outside world particularly as Darfur tends to eclipse the South in the Western press. In 2009, there were more than 390,000 people displaced and of those, 240, 000 remain displaced by the end of the year,”
The head of mission of the International Organization for Migration (IOM) in Sudan, says the authorities and several other non-governmental organizations made considerable efforts to include Internally Displaced Persons (IDPS) in the upcoming nationwide poll.
Jill Helke said for many Sudanese the vote scheduled to be held between April 11th and 13th will be the first time they will participate in a democratic election.
She said the ongoing violence in Southern Sudan does not seem to generate international media attention.
“In Southern Sudan, there is ongoing displacement because of inter-tribal violence which is often not paid much attention to in the outside world particularly as Darfur tends to eclipse the South in the Western press. In 2009, there were more than 390,000 people displaced and of those, 240, 000 remain displaced by the end of the year,” she said.
The IOM is a United Nations-affiliated intergovernmental agency that works on managing migration and assisting migrants in need, including refugees and the internally displaced, in over 120 countries worldwide.
In 2006, Khartoum expelled the IOM from Southern Darfur after accusing it of inciting the 2.5 million IDP’s in camps not to return home - - a charge IOM denies.
Helke said the IOM will continue to help IDP’s in Sudan.
“In the South, we are providing non-food items to the newly displaced and the vulnerable populations. We are doing population tracking and village assessment programs to see where people are moving to and where the facilities of villages are being put under pressure by such population movements… We also work ….particularly with women’s groups to try and ensure that people have sustainable livelihoods…so that they can start living normal lives and become self sufficient,” Helke said.
The IOM has reportedly been working closely with the Sudanese government to dispatch IDP’s to return to their homes after the signing of the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement, which ended the over two decades of war between the North and the South.
Helke said several organizations are playing a pivotal role by educating displaced Sudanese ahead of the presidential election.
“There was an outreach through civil society organizations to educate the population in how to register and what it meant to register. And then similarly since the registration was completed, there have been a number of measures by a number of different actors to reach out to teach the people, how then to go and vote,” Helke said.
Select Your Language Afan Oromo Albanian Amharic Armenian Azerbaijani Azeri Bangla Bosnian Burmese Cantonese Chinese Creole Croatian Dari English to Africa English Worldwide French Georgian Greek Hausa Hindi Indonesian Khmer Kinyarwanda Kirundi Korean Kurdi Kurdish Lao Macedonian Mandarin Ndebele Pashto Pashto - Deewa Persian Portuguese Russian Serbian Shona Somali Spanish Special English Swahili Thai Tibetan
Africa RSS Feed Significant Efforts Made to Help Sudanese Vote, Says IOM official
The head of mission of the International Organization for Migration (IOM) in Sudan, says the authorities and several other non-governmental organizations made considerable efforts to include Internally Displaced Persons (IDPS) in the upcoming nationwide poll.
A Sudanese opposition supporter shouts slogans as protesters wave the flag of Sudan People's Liberation Movement (SPLM) during a demonstration against the government in Khartoum, 07 Dec 2009
In Southern Sudan, there is ongoing displacement because of inter-tribal violence which is often not paid much attention to in the outside world particularly as Darfur tends to eclipse the South in the Western press. In 2009, there were more than 390,000 people displaced and of those, 240, 000 remain displaced by the end of the year,”
The head of mission of the International Organization for Migration (IOM) in Sudan, says the authorities and several other non-governmental organizations made considerable efforts to include Internally Displaced Persons (IDPS) in the upcoming nationwide poll.
Jill Helke said for many Sudanese the vote scheduled to be held between April 11th and 13th will be the first time they will participate in a democratic election.
She said the ongoing violence in Southern Sudan does not seem to generate international media attention.
“In Southern Sudan, there is ongoing displacement because of inter-tribal violence which is often not paid much attention to in the outside world particularly as Darfur tends to eclipse the South in the Western press. In 2009, there were more than 390,000 people displaced and of those, 240, 000 remain displaced by the end of the year,” she said.
The IOM is a United Nations-affiliated intergovernmental agency that works on managing migration and assisting migrants in need, including refugees and the internally displaced, in over 120 countries worldwide.
In 2006, Khartoum expelled the IOM from Southern Darfur after accusing it of inciting the 2.5 million IDP’s in camps not to return home - - a charge IOM denies.
Helke said the IOM will continue to help IDP’s in Sudan.
“In the South, we are providing non-food items to the newly displaced and the vulnerable populations. We are doing population tracking and village assessment programs to see where people are moving to and where the facilities of villages are being put under pressure by such population movements… We also work ….particularly with women’s groups to try and ensure that people have sustainable livelihoods…so that they can start living normal lives and become self sufficient,” Helke said.
The IOM has reportedly been working closely with the Sudanese government to dispatch IDP’s to return to their homes after the signing of the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement, which ended the over two decades of war between the North and the South.
Helke said several organizations are playing a pivotal role by educating displaced Sudanese ahead of the presidential election.
“There was an outreach through civil society organizations to educate the population in how to register and what it meant to register. And then similarly since the registration was completed, there have been a number of measures by a number of different actors to reach out to teach the people, how then to go and vote,” Helke said.
Potential For Violence Shadows Ethiopia's 2010 Election
Potential For Violence Shadows Ethiopia's 2010 Election
Addis Ababa 06 May 2009
Abdikani Hussein
Ethiopia's next national election is a year away, but tensions are already increasing. At least two opposition politicians have recently been jailed, both possibly facing life in prison, and security forces have arrested dozens of others, accusing them of plotting against the government. Both government and opposition leaders are expressing concern about the potential for election-related violence.
No Ethiopian needs reminding about the horrors that followed the disputed 2005 election. Nearly 200 protesters killed in the streets by security forces, more than 100 opposition leaders, arrested, convicted of treason and sentenced to life in prison before being pardoned.
When government spokesman Bereket Simon kicked off the 2010 election season, he said a top priority of the ruling Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Party would be preventing violence. "This election must be peaceful. Government must do whatever it takes to ensure that our election will be peaceful," he said.
Prime Minister Meles Zenawi warned that government forces would have little tolerance for street protests. "The 2005 experience was experience enough for anybody to be able to learn from, and so I'm sure our law enforcement entities will be much better prepared for any eventuality than they were in 2005, not only in terms of handling riots, but also in terms of deterring and preventing riots," he said.
Opposition activists are equally concerned. It was their supporters that were killed in the streets four years ago. Many fear 2010 could be as bad or worse than 2005.
Already, several government opponents have been jailed. Among them, Birtukan Mideksa, a charismatic young former judge who was among those sentenced to life and then pardoned after the 2005 election.
Birtukan had been touted to be a potent force in the 2010 vote. But she was re-arrested and ordered to serve out her sentence after saying she had not asked for the pardon.
Another prominent member of Birtukan's party, Melaku Teferra, was among 40 people accused last month of involvement in a coup plot directed by Berhanu Nega, who was elected mayor of Addis Ababa in 2005.
Berhanu and Melaku were also among those jailed for life after the last election. Melaku stayed in Ethiopia after being freed. Berhanu fled to the United States, where he teaches economics at a Pennsylvania university and heads a political group that advocates the overthrow of the Meles Zenawi government.
Merera Gudina is another political science professor who doubles as an opposition leader. Merera teaches at Addis Ababa University. His party is among eight opposition groups banding together in hopes of mounting a serious challenge to the ruling EPRDF.
Merera worries, however, that next year's vote may turn into a replay of last year's local and bi-elections, in which the EPRDF and its affiliates won all but three out of nearly 3.6 million seats being contested. Most opposition parties pulled out of the contest in advance, complaining the rules were written so only pro-government parties could win.
Merera says given that the EPRDF now controls all local administrations, this election will be a struggle to prevent Ethiopia from becoming a one-party state.
"Our role is… to make sure this government cannot rule without accepting the rules of multi-party democracy. We are in a struggle. This government is not ready for change, and this government is cheating left and right and its ultimate agenda is revolutionary democracy. We know all these things, and in fact people who were with (Prime Minister) Meles, who used to play those games and clearly know these games, are now with us," he said.
Seeye Abraha Hagos is a former member of Prime Minister Meles's inner circle. He was military commander of the guerrilla force that brought the Meles government to power. After a falling out with the government, he was convicted of corruption and spent several years in prison. But he is still popular among his former military colleagues
Seeye is now a member of the coalition of opposition groups know as the forum. He says the only ways of breaking Ethiopia's long tradition of violence-plagued elections is to ensure opposition parties and their supporters know change is possible through the ballot box.
"There is always violent opposition in Ethiopia. Even if you take out the 2005 elections, there was violent opposition in this country. So if we are ever going to control violence in this country, the only way out is to chart a peaceful political transition. No peaceful elections, no peaceful political transfer of power would mean there will be continuous violence in this country, and this can take this country down the drain given our poverty," he said.
A year before the May, 2010 election, Ethiopia displays all the outward signs of calm. Despite grinding poverty, frequent power cuts, and a severe foreign exchange shortage that has seen imported goods disappear from stores, there is little evidence of the country's violent past.
But opposition leaders and political analysts caution that the outward appearance masks a deep-seated longing among Ethiopians for freedom of political expression. Former defense minister Seeye Abraha likens the country to a dormant volcano. It might look calm, but even a small disturbance could set it off.
Addis Ababa 06 May 2009
Abdikani Hussein
Ethiopia's next national election is a year away, but tensions are already increasing. At least two opposition politicians have recently been jailed, both possibly facing life in prison, and security forces have arrested dozens of others, accusing them of plotting against the government. Both government and opposition leaders are expressing concern about the potential for election-related violence.
No Ethiopian needs reminding about the horrors that followed the disputed 2005 election. Nearly 200 protesters killed in the streets by security forces, more than 100 opposition leaders, arrested, convicted of treason and sentenced to life in prison before being pardoned.
When government spokesman Bereket Simon kicked off the 2010 election season, he said a top priority of the ruling Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Party would be preventing violence. "This election must be peaceful. Government must do whatever it takes to ensure that our election will be peaceful," he said.
Prime Minister Meles Zenawi warned that government forces would have little tolerance for street protests. "The 2005 experience was experience enough for anybody to be able to learn from, and so I'm sure our law enforcement entities will be much better prepared for any eventuality than they were in 2005, not only in terms of handling riots, but also in terms of deterring and preventing riots," he said.
Opposition activists are equally concerned. It was their supporters that were killed in the streets four years ago. Many fear 2010 could be as bad or worse than 2005.
Already, several government opponents have been jailed. Among them, Birtukan Mideksa, a charismatic young former judge who was among those sentenced to life and then pardoned after the 2005 election.
Birtukan had been touted to be a potent force in the 2010 vote. But she was re-arrested and ordered to serve out her sentence after saying she had not asked for the pardon.
Another prominent member of Birtukan's party, Melaku Teferra, was among 40 people accused last month of involvement in a coup plot directed by Berhanu Nega, who was elected mayor of Addis Ababa in 2005.
Berhanu and Melaku were also among those jailed for life after the last election. Melaku stayed in Ethiopia after being freed. Berhanu fled to the United States, where he teaches economics at a Pennsylvania university and heads a political group that advocates the overthrow of the Meles Zenawi government.
Merera Gudina is another political science professor who doubles as an opposition leader. Merera teaches at Addis Ababa University. His party is among eight opposition groups banding together in hopes of mounting a serious challenge to the ruling EPRDF.
Merera worries, however, that next year's vote may turn into a replay of last year's local and bi-elections, in which the EPRDF and its affiliates won all but three out of nearly 3.6 million seats being contested. Most opposition parties pulled out of the contest in advance, complaining the rules were written so only pro-government parties could win.
Merera says given that the EPRDF now controls all local administrations, this election will be a struggle to prevent Ethiopia from becoming a one-party state.
"Our role is… to make sure this government cannot rule without accepting the rules of multi-party democracy. We are in a struggle. This government is not ready for change, and this government is cheating left and right and its ultimate agenda is revolutionary democracy. We know all these things, and in fact people who were with (Prime Minister) Meles, who used to play those games and clearly know these games, are now with us," he said.
Seeye Abraha Hagos is a former member of Prime Minister Meles's inner circle. He was military commander of the guerrilla force that brought the Meles government to power. After a falling out with the government, he was convicted of corruption and spent several years in prison. But he is still popular among his former military colleagues
Seeye is now a member of the coalition of opposition groups know as the forum. He says the only ways of breaking Ethiopia's long tradition of violence-plagued elections is to ensure opposition parties and their supporters know change is possible through the ballot box.
"There is always violent opposition in Ethiopia. Even if you take out the 2005 elections, there was violent opposition in this country. So if we are ever going to control violence in this country, the only way out is to chart a peaceful political transition. No peaceful elections, no peaceful political transfer of power would mean there will be continuous violence in this country, and this can take this country down the drain given our poverty," he said.
A year before the May, 2010 election, Ethiopia displays all the outward signs of calm. Despite grinding poverty, frequent power cuts, and a severe foreign exchange shortage that has seen imported goods disappear from stores, there is little evidence of the country's violent past.
But opposition leaders and political analysts caution that the outward appearance masks a deep-seated longing among Ethiopians for freedom of political expression. Former defense minister Seeye Abraha likens the country to a dormant volcano. It might look calm, but even a small disturbance could set it off.
Bob demands proof of BBC Ethiopia aid report
Bob Geldof demands proof of BBC Ethiopia aid report
Bob Geldof: "If there is any money missing I will sue the Ethiopian government"
Bob Geldof has challenged the BBC to substantiate its report that millions raised for famine relief in Ethiopia were diverted to pay for weapons.
The anti-poverty campaigner said there was "not a shred of evidence" Band Aid or Live Aid money was siphoned off.
The report included claims that substantial sums of aid that went into rebel-held areas of Tigray province in 1985 were used to buy arms.
The BBC World Service has said it is standing by its report.
Mr Geldof told BBC One's Andrew Marr show he would personally sue the Ethiopian government and spend the money on aid if any evidence was produced.
'Credible voices'
He said: "Produce me one shred of evidence and I promise you I will professionally investigate it, I will professionally report it, and if there is any money missing I will sue the Ethiopian government for that money back and I will spend it on aid.
"There is not a single shred of evidence that Band Aid or Live Aid money was diverted in any sense, it could not have been."
The news and current affairs editor at the World Service, Andrew Whitehead, said the BBC stood by its report.
Taking part in a discussion with Mr Geldof, Mr Whitehead said the BBC had "quite a lot of evidence" to support the report.
The World Service report featured interviews with two former members of a rebel group who made the allegations dating from the mid-80s.
They told the BBC they posed as merchants in meetings with charity workers to get aid money which they used to fund attempts to overthrow the government.
Gebremedhin Araya (L) says he posed as a merchant to get aid
One rebel leader estimated that $95m (£63m) from Western governments and charities, including Band Aid, was diverted.
The CIA also alleged aid money was being misused, Mr Whitehead pointed out in a radio discussion.
He accepted the 1985 report from the crime agency was written before Band Aid had gone into Ethiopia, but said it established "a pattern" that international aid was being used for military purposes.
The report concluded: "Some funds that insurgent organisations are raising for relief operations, as a result of increased world publicity, are almost certainly being diverted for military purposes."
Mr Geldof, who was speaking to the BBC from Nairobi, also said one of the sources quoted in the report was a "dissident political exile" who was "not credible".
There is a clear public interest in determining whether some money given as famine relief ended up buying guns and bullets
Andrew Whitehead, BBC World Service
BBC response to criticism
Martin Plaut, the World Service's Africa editor who broke the story, said a lot of his nine-month investigation was spent trying to corroborate or dismiss events.
He said: "We came across a lot of other evidence which made it clear that yes, indeed, some of the money had gone astray."
He added that the "balanced, measured" programme had gone through the entire BBC editorial process and had not simply been "thrown on air".
Mr Geldof and the Band Aid Trust are taking their complaint to the broadcasting regulator Ofcom.
They and a number of other agencies, including Oxfam, the Red Cross, Christian Aid and Save The Children, are also writing to chairman of the BBC Trust, Sir Michael Lyons.
John Kennedy, a co-founder of the Band Aid Trust, said: "The trust is writing to the BBC and Ofcom to complain about the broadcast."
A Christian Aid spokeswoman confirmed it was planning to support the complaint.
Bob Geldof: "If there is any money missing I will sue the Ethiopian government"
Bob Geldof has challenged the BBC to substantiate its report that millions raised for famine relief in Ethiopia were diverted to pay for weapons.
The anti-poverty campaigner said there was "not a shred of evidence" Band Aid or Live Aid money was siphoned off.
The report included claims that substantial sums of aid that went into rebel-held areas of Tigray province in 1985 were used to buy arms.
The BBC World Service has said it is standing by its report.
Mr Geldof told BBC One's Andrew Marr show he would personally sue the Ethiopian government and spend the money on aid if any evidence was produced.
'Credible voices'
He said: "Produce me one shred of evidence and I promise you I will professionally investigate it, I will professionally report it, and if there is any money missing I will sue the Ethiopian government for that money back and I will spend it on aid.
"There is not a single shred of evidence that Band Aid or Live Aid money was diverted in any sense, it could not have been."
The news and current affairs editor at the World Service, Andrew Whitehead, said the BBC stood by its report.
Taking part in a discussion with Mr Geldof, Mr Whitehead said the BBC had "quite a lot of evidence" to support the report.
The World Service report featured interviews with two former members of a rebel group who made the allegations dating from the mid-80s.
They told the BBC they posed as merchants in meetings with charity workers to get aid money which they used to fund attempts to overthrow the government.
Gebremedhin Araya (L) says he posed as a merchant to get aid
One rebel leader estimated that $95m (£63m) from Western governments and charities, including Band Aid, was diverted.
The CIA also alleged aid money was being misused, Mr Whitehead pointed out in a radio discussion.
He accepted the 1985 report from the crime agency was written before Band Aid had gone into Ethiopia, but said it established "a pattern" that international aid was being used for military purposes.
The report concluded: "Some funds that insurgent organisations are raising for relief operations, as a result of increased world publicity, are almost certainly being diverted for military purposes."
Mr Geldof, who was speaking to the BBC from Nairobi, also said one of the sources quoted in the report was a "dissident political exile" who was "not credible".
There is a clear public interest in determining whether some money given as famine relief ended up buying guns and bullets
Andrew Whitehead, BBC World Service
BBC response to criticism
Martin Plaut, the World Service's Africa editor who broke the story, said a lot of his nine-month investigation was spent trying to corroborate or dismiss events.
He said: "We came across a lot of other evidence which made it clear that yes, indeed, some of the money had gone astray."
He added that the "balanced, measured" programme had gone through the entire BBC editorial process and had not simply been "thrown on air".
Mr Geldof and the Band Aid Trust are taking their complaint to the broadcasting regulator Ofcom.
They and a number of other agencies, including Oxfam, the Red Cross, Christian Aid and Save The Children, are also writing to chairman of the BBC Trust, Sir Michael Lyons.
John Kennedy, a co-founder of the Band Aid Trust, said: "The trust is writing to the BBC and Ofcom to complain about the broadcast."
A Christian Aid spokeswoman confirmed it was planning to support the complaint.
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