US deploys small military team to Somalia

The military of Somalia was in faction until 1991, made up of the army, navy, air force, and air defense command. The outbreak of the Somali Civil War during that year led to the de facto dissolution of the national armed forces. However, efforts to re-establish a regular armed force by a re-constituted Somali federal government have made progress so far. The military of Somalia is now overseen by the TFG Ministry of Defense, a branch of Somalia's new Transitional Federal Government (TFG) that was formed in 2004. The Somaliland and Puntland regional governments maintain their own security and police forces.The Pentagon acknowledged Friday that the United States sent a team of military advisers to war-torn Somalia last month to help Somalia and other African forces to fight al-Shabab opposition group. The team, which the Pentagon characterized as “small,” is to provide communications, logistics and planning assistance. Its installation in Mogadishu, where a climate of car and suicide bombs, widespread fighting and very tenuous government authority has prevailed since 1991, represents the first U.S. boots on the ground since the October 1993 “Black Hawk Down” killing of American servicemen. That incident led to the withdrawal of U.S. troops who had been in Somalia since late 1992. Why is President Barack Obama changing policy on this Northeast African street without joy by again stationing U.S. forces there? His action is consistent with continuing American involvement in Somalia through a CIA presence, raids by Special Operations forces, fighter-bomber strikes, drone attacks and training and financing provided to Somali, Kenyan and other African fighters who have sought unsuccessfully to impose order there. This is also another chapter in the quest for relevance pursued by the U.S. Africa Command, created during the Bush administration in 2008. By showing that it is needed, it can better protect itself from cuts in the Pentagon budget.

Turkey stops direct budget support to Somalia

Written: Abdikani Hussein, Turkey has stopped direct budgetary support to Somalia, cutting off a major source of funding for a government trying to rebuild the country after more than two decades of chaos. Turkey is a key ally of the Somali government. Its vast humanitarian aid effort at the height of the 2011 famine has endeared the country to many Somali people, especially as Ankara continues to build hospitals and dispatch aid across Somalia. Turkey has backed the Somali government with direct cash aid, in contrast to Western governments who have pledged billions but not in the form of direct budget support. A Turkish foreign ministry official told Reuters direct budget support payments stopped at the end of 2013. It is not clear how much cash Turkey donated to Somalia in 2013, when the government budget totalled $110 million. Somalia's former central bank chief, Abdusalam Omer, said during his seven-month tenure the support amounted to $4.5 million per month, which he said was paid in cash to the central bank. A Somali government official confirmed the support stopped at the end of 2013 but said his government "hopes the payments will be re-started". When asked whether there were plans to restart payments in 2014 or whether talks were taking place over resuming direct budget support, the Turkish official told Reuters in Ankara: "We have no such plans at this stage. It is not on our agenda." An official from TİKA (Turkish Cooperation and Coordination Agency) said its projects in Somalia were unaffected and would continue. Turkey's support for the current government has angered Islamist al Shabaab rebels, who in July raided Turkey's embassy compound in Mogadishu, killing three people and wounding nine others. CENTRAL BANK SCANDAL The government of President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud, which was firmly backed by the West when it came to power in September 2012 amid a wave of optimism, has since become a source of frustration for many Somalis angry with the slow pace of change, insecurity and graft allegations. The government has lost much goodwill from Western donors angry over a scandal sparked by the resignation of central bank governor Yussur Abrar, who said she quit after only seven weeks in the job due to pressure on her to sign shady deals. Somali officials denied the corruption claims. The Turkish official said Turkey's budget support cut was not related to recent developments, saying the support agreement was only in place for 2013 and had expired. Horn of Africa analyst Rashid Abdi said the loss of Turkey's budget aid will "definitely be a disappointment for the current government but I have no doubt they will find another (Middle Eastern) partner who will be happy to plug the shortfall." Western diplomats say they will not be stepping up to fill the budget hole and some shudder at how little oversight Turkey had over its aid. Former governor Omer recalled how once a month he would visit Turkey's Mogadishu embassy to collect $4.5 million in boxes full of cash. "It was always in $100 bills," he told Reuters in Nairobi. Turkey's ambassador to Somalia declined to comment on his government's method of delivering budget support. Analyst Abdi said other countries may be much more secretive over how much financial support they give to Mohamud, an Islamist president with many allies in the Middle East. "Turkey for all its faults was pretty transparent in its budgetary support for Somalia compared to other Muslim countries."

U.S. has deployed military advisers to Somalia, officials say

By Craig Whitlock, The U.S. military secretly deployed a small number of trainers and advisers to Somalia in October, the first time regular troops have been stationed in the war-ravaged country since 1993, when two helicopters were shot down and 18 Americans killed in the “Black Hawk Down” disaster. A cell of U.S. military personnel has been in the Somali capital of Mogadishu to advise and coordinate operations with African troops fighting to wrest control of the country from the al-Shabab militia, an Islamist group whose leaders have professed loyalty to al-Qaeda, according to three U.S. military officials.

Somalia: A developing Country With-Out functioning Government

 

Written By: Abdikani Hussein, With leaders from more than 50 countries and international organisations due to gather this week for the London Conference on Somalia, BBC Africa analyst and Somalia specialist Mary Harper argues that Somalia's business leaders offer reasons to hope for the war-torn country's future.

UK Prime Minister David Cameron has managed to convince some of the world's most powerful people, including UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon and US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, to come to London because Somalia is seen as the world's most comprehensively failed state, representing a threat to itself, the Horn of Africa region and the wider world.

 “Start Quote

I expect livestock exports from the port to increase dramatically from three million head of livestock in 2011 to 4.5 million in 2012”

End Quote Ali Xoorxoor Berbera port manager

The conference will focus on three issues that have already had far-reaching and devastating consequences: Piracy, terrorism and famine.

But away from the headlines and the stereotypical media images of skeletal children, skinny pirates in tiny skiffs, and gun-wielding Islamist insurgents, their heads wrapped in black and white scarves, there is another side to the Somali story that is positive, enterprising and hopeful.

Remarkable things are happening which could serve as models for a new start.

It may come as a surprise that, despite coming top of the world's Failed State Index for the past four years in a row, Somalia ranks in the top 50% of African countries on several key development indicators.

A study by the US-based Independent Institute found that Somalia came near the bottom on only three out of 13 indicators: Infant mortality; access to improved water resources and immunisation rates.

It came in the top 50% in crucial indicators like child malnutrition and life expectancy, although this may have changed since last year's famine.

"Far from chaos and economic collapse, we found that Somalia is generally doing better than when it had a state," said the institute.

"Urban businessmen, international corporations, and rural pastoralists have all functioned in a stateless Somalia, achieving standards of living for the country that are equal or superior to many other African nations."
'Freewheeling capitalism'
Of course many people in Somalia have suffered horribly during the past 20 years of state collapse, but some sectors of the economy, both traditional and modern, are positively booming.

Phone subscribers (per 100 inhabitants)

Country	2000	2009
Somalia	1.4	8.1
Eritrea	0.8*	3.7
Ethiopia	0.4	6.0
Nigeria	0.5	49.1
*mainline phone data only
Source: UN data

It may come as another surprise that two northern Somali ports account for 95% of all goat and 52% of all sheep exports for the entire East African region.

According to the London-based Chatham House think-tank, the export of livestock through these ports, and the nearby port of Djibouti, represents what "is said to be the largest movement of live animal - 'on the hoof' - trade anywhere in the world".

I recently visited one of these ports, Berbera, in the self-declared Republic of Somaliland, where port manager Ali Xoorxoor told me: "I expect livestock exports from the port to increase dramatically from three million head of livestock in 2011 to 4.5 million in 2012.

"This is because of healthy demand from the Gulf, especially Saudi Arabia, and new markets emerging in Egypt, Syria and Oman. The Egyptians are especially fond of our camels, mainly for meat."

The livestock trade has exploded since Somalia's government imploded in 1991.

One trader told me exports from the northern ports alone is worth more than $2bn (£1.3bn) a year; this does not appear to be an exaggeration, when one considers that just one sheep is worth at least $30 and a camel several hundred.

Academic Peter Little found what he described as a "spectacular surge" in cross-border cattle trade from Somalia to Kenya, where cattle sales in the Kenyan town of Garissa, near the border with Somalia, grew by an "astounding" 600% in the years following the collapse of central authority.

In his book, Somalia: Economy without State, Mr Little describes how "a freewheeling, stateless capitalism" has flourished in the country.

A trend-setting boutique in Hargeisa is one of several innovative businesses

On their way to market, Somali nomads drive their livestock through hundreds of kilometres of harsh, hostile terrain, much of it occupied by militias including the Islamist group, al-Shabab.

These nomads know how to negotiate their way through enemy territory; perhaps they have a thing or two to teach Somali politicians and international agencies struggling to get aid to those who need it most.
Cold Coca-Cola

"The khat network reaches every corner of Somalia every day of the year and doesn't stop for wars, drought, floods, epidemics, Friday prayers, Ramadan - anything really”

End Quote Nuradin Dirie Somali analyst

Another traditional area of the Somali economy which has thrived in a stateless society, and could serve as a useful model, is the khat trade, worth hundreds of millions of dollars a year.

This narcotic leaf, grown in Kenya and Ethiopia, is delivered fresh, with tremendous efficiency, to remote parts of Somalia, including those affected by drought and famine.

Special "khat planes", pick-up trucks and people on foot ensure khat gets to market before noon, the day after it is picked.

Otherwise, the khat-chewers will not buy it.

The local authorities and international aid agencies could learn something from those in the khat business about how to deliver supplies, perhaps of food, medicine and other essential items, to difficult and dangerous areas.

As Somali analyst Nuradin Dirie says: "The khat network reaches every corner of Somalia every day of the year and doesn't stop for wars, drought, floods, epidemics, Friday prayers, Ramadan - anything really.

"I suggested to the UN that it could make use of khat networks to vaccinate children as this would create an opportunity for 100% vaccination coverages.

Khat users insist on having fresh leaves to chew - so it must be delivered soon after harvesting

"Of course I did not succeed," he says.

"I have travelled quite a lot inside Somalia. To little villages and big towns, to far away rural areas and to remote coastal outposts.

"Wherever I go, I always manage to get a cold Coca-Cola. If they can store cool Coca-Cola, there is a strong possibility they can handle vaccinations too."

Other more modern sectors of the economy are also thriving.

Somalia has one of the cheapest, most efficient mobile phone networks in Africa.

It is home to Dahabshiil, one of the largest money transfer companies on the continent, which together with other remittance outfits, delivers some $2bn worth of remittances to Somali territories a year, according to the UN.

Like the khat traders, remittance companies deliver money to remote and treacherous places all over Somalia.
Can-do attitude
Some humanitarian groups use these companies to deliver cash-for-food and other forms of assistance; perhaps more use could be made of these pre-existing remittance networks, which link Somalis together, wherever they are in the world, connecting them in a matter of minutes.

Many Somali camels are exported to Egypt, where they are highly prized

There is a startling contrast between the productive, can-do attitude of the Somali business community, and the sometimes obstructive, counter-productive approach of the politicians.

Members of the Somali diaspora, and those who stayed behind during the long years of conflict, are doing daring, imaginative and positive things.

A group of British-educated brothers from the self-declared republic of Somaliland has built a Coca-Cola bottling plant amongst the sand, anthills and cacti, creating a surreal environment of green lawns, gleaming white walls, glossy red paint, and polished factory floors.

A pioneering young woman has recently set up an art gallery in Hargeisa.

Another has opened up a boutique, where smartly dressed attendants sell shoes, handbags, brightly coloured lingerie, and men's and women's clothes in the very latest Somali fashion.

A man in Mogadishu runs a Billiards and Snooker Federation.

There are also political models and inspirations on offer within the Somali territories.

The most striking is Somaliland, which broke away from Somalia in 1991, and has built itself up from war-torn rubble into probably the most democratic polity in the Horn of Africa.

It has done this on its own, from the bottom-up, combining the old with the new, to create a political system that gives authority to clan elders as well as those elected by the public.

The Somali business community and places like Somaliland have "worked" because they have married the best of the traditional and the modern.

Much that has "failed" in Somalia is a result of combining the "bad", divisive things about the traditional clan system with dangerous modern elements, especially weapons.

It might be more productive for anyone interested in helping Somalia back onto its feet, including those at the London Conference, to deal with and learn from the business community instead of the politicians.

Giving Voice to Somali Mothers

Abdikani Hussein International Women’s Day is a global opportunity to celebrate and promote the rights of women. It is a chance for all of us, men and women, to unite under a single, common aim – gender equality. This is particularly pertinent in Somalia. Everyone in Somalia has suffered from decades of often unrelenting conflict. But Somalia’s collapse has had a disproportionate impact on the lives of women and girls, with Somalia often referred to as one of the worst countries in the world to be a woman. I am often told that Somalia has been carried on the backs of women for the past twenty years; they provide much of the labour required for the family’s survival, and are often the main breadwinners and entrepreneurs. Somalia’s women have also played a key role in promoting and securing greater stability, bringing different factions together in efforts to stop the fighting – as at the Arta conference in Djibouti in 2000. However, after decades of violence, and despite the recent political progress and the security improvements, Somalia’s women are facing another, largely untold, crisis: the alarming increase in sexual violence against women and girls. This has to stop. Women’s security – and that of the households and communities they build, support and protect – has to be prioritised. The recent Appeal Court verdict exonerating a woman convicted in February of insulting the Government, after she alleged she had been raped by Government security forces, was welcome; but there is still a long way to go. The Government of Somalia is taking some initial – and positive – steps to tackle this issue, including the Prime Minister’s recent announcement of a new human rights taskforce; and their plans to strengthen the police and justice system. Somali communities need stronger law enforcement and legal support; they also need stronger and more outspoken leadership from Somalia’s political, civic and religious leaders. Preventing sexual violence, improving gender equality and strengthening the role of women in Somali society cannot be done overnight. It will take time, commitment and patience. Most importantly of all, perhaps, it will take leadership and courage, including from the international community. The UK is committed to improving women’s rights in Somalia. As well as helping strengthen the police and judicial systems, we have also agreed with the Somali Government to develop pilot programmes under the Foreign Secretary’s Prevent Sexual Violence Initiative – an objective that will form a key part of the Somalia Conference in London on 7th May 2013. Everything I have seen in Somalia has showed me that women must play a critical role in Somalia’s continued recovery. As we celebrate International Women’s Day, the UK is prepared to support Somalia’s women and children now and for the long-term, as we hope others will. To celebrate International Women’s Day, I want to sign off this blog with a short extract from a poem by Liban Obsiye: “While her brothers prepare to eat, She is cooking their meal. While her brothers are away playing, She helps her mother. She is a girl. A Somali girl. While her husband is shouting and screaming, She is teaching her children. While her husband sleeps, She is studying. She is a wife. A Somali wife. While the men fight, She is making peace. While the men disappear, She is providing a living for her family. She is a mother. A nation’s mother.”

Somali's Roadblocks Business Boom

The boom in Somalia’s roadblocks

 

Since the collapse of Siad Barre’s government in 1991 roadblocks controlled by unscrupulous men have been the hallmark of Somalia, especially South Central Somalia. It was only during the short-lived tenure of the Union of Islamic Courts that this part of the country experienced life without roadblocks. When the Courts had disappeared, anarchy returned and roadblocks started to appear.

Ethiopian forces drove the Islamic Courts out of power in December 2006 and South Central Somalia regained its lawlessness. According to Swiss Peace, six months after the Islamic Courts was defeated 238 roadblocks appeared in South Central Somalia alone and after one year that number reached almost 340. The United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) noted in Dec 2007, “Ad hoc roadblocks that charge taxes ranging from US$70 – US$500 to move in and out of Mogadishu have caused huge hindrances to the humanitarian community in accessing vulnerable people. In November, Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs) reported delays and payment of taxes of up to US$ 475 at eight roadblocks on the Mogadhishu/Afgooye road – a major area of humanitarian operations. The highest number of roadblocks since the beginning of 2007 – 336 in total – was recorded in November.” OCHA produced the following chart which shows the increase of roadblocks in Somalia in 2007.

Mogadishu spun out of control after Ethiopian forces supporting Somalia's interim government took control of the city. Hundreds of thousands of its residents fled the city. Most of the fleeing residents initially sought refuge in a near by town called Afgooye. Others still live in makeshift shelters on the road between Mogadishu and Afgooye. Steve Bloomfield of the Independent writes, “More than 600,000 people fled Mogadishu last year. Around 200,000 are now living in squalid impromptu refugee camps along a 15km- stretch of road outside the capital. According to UN officials it is the largest concentration of displaced people anywhere in the world. Those same officials now consider Somalia to be the worst humanitarian catastrophe in Africa, eclipsing even Darfur in its sheer horror.”

As a result, the road between Mogadhishu and Afgooye has become an artery for internally displaced people, humanitarian organisations and others. Unfortunately, this road is fraught with difficulties as it is peppered with roadblocks. Let us take a virtual tour of this road from Mogadishu to Afgooye and see the major roadblocks but first let us start with some operational details.

Groups that run roadblocks have certain rules that are strictly adhered to. Disobedience can be fatal. All road users are expected to pay according to the vehicle they are driving and at the main roadblocks there is no room for bargaining. However, there is room for negotiation at minor roadblocks. Regardless of the nature of the roadblock, anyone who fails to pay may be turned away or worse may be incarcerated or their car keys confiscated. According to the government, some roadblocks are legal while others are illegal. If the collected money goes to the government, that roadblock is considered to be legal. Otherwise it is considered to be illegal but it is impossible for road users to tell which is which. The government controls several roadblocks within a distance of less than 30 kilometres of Mogadishu and the following ones are legal in the eyes of the government:

Ex-Control

This roadblock, known as Ex-Control, is about 7 km from Mogadishu. It used to belong to a militia loyal to Osman Atto, a former warlord who is currently a Member of Parliament of the Transitional Federal Government. Now the Police manage this roadblock. Ironically, the commander of the Police Force is Abdi Qeybdiid, who is a former warlord and an archenemy of Osman Atto. This roadblock is manned by 20 to 25 policemen equipped with light weapons. There are also Ethiopian troops nearby as the roadblock is situated between two Ethiopian army positions, one in KM6 and the other in the Correctional Division’s former headquarters. The following table shows how much a vehicle is charged every time it passes the roadblock. The exchange rate at the time of writing 1USD (one US Dollar) equals 21,000 Somali Shilling.

Biil

Biil is another roadblock, situated just before Siinka Dheer. This roadblock also belongs to the Police and they charge the same amount as at Ex-Control. Fewer policemen control this one.

Siinka Dheer

This roadblock is about 15 km from Mogadishu and used to belong to Abdi Qeybdiid, the current commander of the Police Force. This roadblock is staffed by three separate groups – one from the Ministry of Finance, another from the Ministry of Transport and a third from the Mogadishu Administration. The mayor of Mogadishu is a former warlord. There are about 50 to 60 men at this roadblock and they charge different rates. The following table shows how much each group charges.

KM 16

KM 16 is another roadblock controlled by the Administration of Lower Shabelle Region. There are about 50 to 65 men equipped with light weapons and two gun mounted vehicles. The following is their tax chart

Hotel Ismaacil

This roadblock is about 28 km from Mogadishu and is also controlled by the Administration of Lower Shabelle Region. Before the Islamic Courts, Indha Cade, a former warlord used to run it. This roadblock is located at the junction of two major roads, one from the Juba area and one from the Baydhabo area. Vehicles are charged the same amount as at KM 16. There are about 80 to 100 men operating at this roadblock equipped with light weapons and 3 to 5 gun mounted vehicles.

Luckily, this virtual tour does not cost us anything. Had we been travelling from Mogadishu to Afgooye driving a typical pickup vehicle, we would have paid about 250,000 So Sh, which is equivalent to $12. And if we were delivering humanitarian supplies using a Fiat truck, we would have paid 1,090,000 So Sh or $52 assuming that there were no other roadblocks. Finally, just imagine how much it would cost to travel from Mogadishu to Kismayo, a city which is 500 km south of the capital Mogadishu. As the number of roadblocks increases the harder it is going to be for economic activity to continue and for humanitarian organisations to serve the needy.

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Somalia Must Strengthen the rule of Law and Investigate Sexual Violence

Abdikani Hussein Somalia has come a long way, but its people deserve nothing less than full investigations into claims of sexual abuse and rape. On February 5, 2013, a court in Mogadishu handed down a one year imprisonment sentence to a Somali journalist and a woman he had interviewed who claimed she had been raped by members of the Somali security forces. The case itself is most troubling on many levels. Human rights and women's groups, international legal organisations, media outlets and the donor community at large pointed to a number of irregularities including lengthy pre-trial detention without charge, gaps in access to legal assistance even during interrogation and reliance on Sharia law for sentencing but not for charging the suspects. Monitoring groups also suggested that the trial judge rejected hearing the evidence of three witnesses who were due to testify for the defence of the journalist. The National Union of Somali Journalists (NUSOJ) said the trial was an attack on press freedom in the country and the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Navi Pillay issued a statement stating that the sentence risked seriously undermining the fight against sexual violence. The UN Secretary-General was among the first leaders of the international community to express his deep disappointment over the one-year sentences handed down in Mogadishu. He also expressed the organisation's alarm over reports of pervasive sexual violence in IDP (internally displaced persons) camps in and around Mogadishu, saying "These crimes are under reported because of risks to victims, witnesses and family members, as well as of intense stigmatisation. It takes extraordinary courage for survivors to come forward." "Somalia is emerging from a long and difficult period of instability, with representative institutions and a new government that has made a commendable commitment to uphold human right and the rule of law for all. This journey must begin with a solid foundation based on respect for human rights, freedom of expression and fair judicial process," said the UN Secretary-General in his statement on the trial and sentencing. The Somali government has also reacted. A human rights task force has been established to investigate human rights abuses in the last 12 months and the Somali Prime Minister, Abdi Farah Shirdon, has publically reiterated the Somali government's commitment to upholding human rights and freedom of expression, reiterated the government's support for press freedom and stressed his commitment to security sector reform. The Prime Minister and President Hassan Sheikh Mahamoud also pointed out the criticality of an effective, independent, transparent and well-resourced judiciary. These are all positive signs, but a first step is to ensure that all allegations of sexual violence are investigated fully and perpetrators are brought to justice. Likewise, freedom of expression is a keystone of a democratic state and as Somalia continues its journey towards democratic elections in the next four years, it will be critical to ensure that Somalis can voice their opinion without fear of reprisals. Somalia has made remarkable progress in a short period of time and the UN Political Office remains committed to working with the government of Somalia to strengthen the rule of law and protect human rights, even as we work to facilitate the strengthening of the security sector and promote accountable and transparent governance and promote the dignity of the Somali people. Somalia's long suffering people deserve nothing less.