Somalia: A developing Country With-Out functioning Government

 

Written By: Abdikani Hussein, With leaders from more than 50 countries and international organisations due to gather this week for the London Conference on Somalia, BBC Africa analyst and Somalia specialist Mary Harper argues that Somalia's business leaders offer reasons to hope for the war-torn country's future.

UK Prime Minister David Cameron has managed to convince some of the world's most powerful people, including UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon and US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, to come to London because Somalia is seen as the world's most comprehensively failed state, representing a threat to itself, the Horn of Africa region and the wider world.

 “Start Quote

I expect livestock exports from the port to increase dramatically from three million head of livestock in 2011 to 4.5 million in 2012”

End Quote Ali Xoorxoor Berbera port manager

The conference will focus on three issues that have already had far-reaching and devastating consequences: Piracy, terrorism and famine.

But away from the headlines and the stereotypical media images of skeletal children, skinny pirates in tiny skiffs, and gun-wielding Islamist insurgents, their heads wrapped in black and white scarves, there is another side to the Somali story that is positive, enterprising and hopeful.

Remarkable things are happening which could serve as models for a new start.

It may come as a surprise that, despite coming top of the world's Failed State Index for the past four years in a row, Somalia ranks in the top 50% of African countries on several key development indicators.

A study by the US-based Independent Institute found that Somalia came near the bottom on only three out of 13 indicators: Infant mortality; access to improved water resources and immunisation rates.

It came in the top 50% in crucial indicators like child malnutrition and life expectancy, although this may have changed since last year's famine.

"Far from chaos and economic collapse, we found that Somalia is generally doing better than when it had a state," said the institute.

"Urban businessmen, international corporations, and rural pastoralists have all functioned in a stateless Somalia, achieving standards of living for the country that are equal or superior to many other African nations."
'Freewheeling capitalism'
Of course many people in Somalia have suffered horribly during the past 20 years of state collapse, but some sectors of the economy, both traditional and modern, are positively booming.

Phone subscribers (per 100 inhabitants)

Country	2000	2009
Somalia	1.4	8.1
Eritrea	0.8*	3.7
Ethiopia	0.4	6.0
Nigeria	0.5	49.1
*mainline phone data only
Source: UN data

It may come as another surprise that two northern Somali ports account for 95% of all goat and 52% of all sheep exports for the entire East African region.

According to the London-based Chatham House think-tank, the export of livestock through these ports, and the nearby port of Djibouti, represents what "is said to be the largest movement of live animal - 'on the hoof' - trade anywhere in the world".

I recently visited one of these ports, Berbera, in the self-declared Republic of Somaliland, where port manager Ali Xoorxoor told me: "I expect livestock exports from the port to increase dramatically from three million head of livestock in 2011 to 4.5 million in 2012.

"This is because of healthy demand from the Gulf, especially Saudi Arabia, and new markets emerging in Egypt, Syria and Oman. The Egyptians are especially fond of our camels, mainly for meat."

The livestock trade has exploded since Somalia's government imploded in 1991.

One trader told me exports from the northern ports alone is worth more than $2bn (£1.3bn) a year; this does not appear to be an exaggeration, when one considers that just one sheep is worth at least $30 and a camel several hundred.

Academic Peter Little found what he described as a "spectacular surge" in cross-border cattle trade from Somalia to Kenya, where cattle sales in the Kenyan town of Garissa, near the border with Somalia, grew by an "astounding" 600% in the years following the collapse of central authority.

In his book, Somalia: Economy without State, Mr Little describes how "a freewheeling, stateless capitalism" has flourished in the country.

A trend-setting boutique in Hargeisa is one of several innovative businesses

On their way to market, Somali nomads drive their livestock through hundreds of kilometres of harsh, hostile terrain, much of it occupied by militias including the Islamist group, al-Shabab.

These nomads know how to negotiate their way through enemy territory; perhaps they have a thing or two to teach Somali politicians and international agencies struggling to get aid to those who need it most.
Cold Coca-Cola

"The khat network reaches every corner of Somalia every day of the year and doesn't stop for wars, drought, floods, epidemics, Friday prayers, Ramadan - anything really”

End Quote Nuradin Dirie Somali analyst

Another traditional area of the Somali economy which has thrived in a stateless society, and could serve as a useful model, is the khat trade, worth hundreds of millions of dollars a year.

This narcotic leaf, grown in Kenya and Ethiopia, is delivered fresh, with tremendous efficiency, to remote parts of Somalia, including those affected by drought and famine.

Special "khat planes", pick-up trucks and people on foot ensure khat gets to market before noon, the day after it is picked.

Otherwise, the khat-chewers will not buy it.

The local authorities and international aid agencies could learn something from those in the khat business about how to deliver supplies, perhaps of food, medicine and other essential items, to difficult and dangerous areas.

As Somali analyst Nuradin Dirie says: "The khat network reaches every corner of Somalia every day of the year and doesn't stop for wars, drought, floods, epidemics, Friday prayers, Ramadan - anything really.

"I suggested to the UN that it could make use of khat networks to vaccinate children as this would create an opportunity for 100% vaccination coverages.

Khat users insist on having fresh leaves to chew - so it must be delivered soon after harvesting

"Of course I did not succeed," he says.

"I have travelled quite a lot inside Somalia. To little villages and big towns, to far away rural areas and to remote coastal outposts.

"Wherever I go, I always manage to get a cold Coca-Cola. If they can store cool Coca-Cola, there is a strong possibility they can handle vaccinations too."

Other more modern sectors of the economy are also thriving.

Somalia has one of the cheapest, most efficient mobile phone networks in Africa.

It is home to Dahabshiil, one of the largest money transfer companies on the continent, which together with other remittance outfits, delivers some $2bn worth of remittances to Somali territories a year, according to the UN.

Like the khat traders, remittance companies deliver money to remote and treacherous places all over Somalia.
Can-do attitude
Some humanitarian groups use these companies to deliver cash-for-food and other forms of assistance; perhaps more use could be made of these pre-existing remittance networks, which link Somalis together, wherever they are in the world, connecting them in a matter of minutes.

Many Somali camels are exported to Egypt, where they are highly prized

There is a startling contrast between the productive, can-do attitude of the Somali business community, and the sometimes obstructive, counter-productive approach of the politicians.

Members of the Somali diaspora, and those who stayed behind during the long years of conflict, are doing daring, imaginative and positive things.

A group of British-educated brothers from the self-declared republic of Somaliland has built a Coca-Cola bottling plant amongst the sand, anthills and cacti, creating a surreal environment of green lawns, gleaming white walls, glossy red paint, and polished factory floors.

A pioneering young woman has recently set up an art gallery in Hargeisa.

Another has opened up a boutique, where smartly dressed attendants sell shoes, handbags, brightly coloured lingerie, and men's and women's clothes in the very latest Somali fashion.

A man in Mogadishu runs a Billiards and Snooker Federation.

There are also political models and inspirations on offer within the Somali territories.

The most striking is Somaliland, which broke away from Somalia in 1991, and has built itself up from war-torn rubble into probably the most democratic polity in the Horn of Africa.

It has done this on its own, from the bottom-up, combining the old with the new, to create a political system that gives authority to clan elders as well as those elected by the public.

The Somali business community and places like Somaliland have "worked" because they have married the best of the traditional and the modern.

Much that has "failed" in Somalia is a result of combining the "bad", divisive things about the traditional clan system with dangerous modern elements, especially weapons.

It might be more productive for anyone interested in helping Somalia back onto its feet, including those at the London Conference, to deal with and learn from the business community instead of the politicians.

Giving Voice to Somali Mothers

Abdikani Hussein International Women’s Day is a global opportunity to celebrate and promote the rights of women. It is a chance for all of us, men and women, to unite under a single, common aim – gender equality. This is particularly pertinent in Somalia. Everyone in Somalia has suffered from decades of often unrelenting conflict. But Somalia’s collapse has had a disproportionate impact on the lives of women and girls, with Somalia often referred to as one of the worst countries in the world to be a woman. I am often told that Somalia has been carried on the backs of women for the past twenty years; they provide much of the labour required for the family’s survival, and are often the main breadwinners and entrepreneurs. Somalia’s women have also played a key role in promoting and securing greater stability, bringing different factions together in efforts to stop the fighting – as at the Arta conference in Djibouti in 2000. However, after decades of violence, and despite the recent political progress and the security improvements, Somalia’s women are facing another, largely untold, crisis: the alarming increase in sexual violence against women and girls. This has to stop. Women’s security – and that of the households and communities they build, support and protect – has to be prioritised. The recent Appeal Court verdict exonerating a woman convicted in February of insulting the Government, after she alleged she had been raped by Government security forces, was welcome; but there is still a long way to go. The Government of Somalia is taking some initial – and positive – steps to tackle this issue, including the Prime Minister’s recent announcement of a new human rights taskforce; and their plans to strengthen the police and justice system. Somali communities need stronger law enforcement and legal support; they also need stronger and more outspoken leadership from Somalia’s political, civic and religious leaders. Preventing sexual violence, improving gender equality and strengthening the role of women in Somali society cannot be done overnight. It will take time, commitment and patience. Most importantly of all, perhaps, it will take leadership and courage, including from the international community. The UK is committed to improving women’s rights in Somalia. As well as helping strengthen the police and judicial systems, we have also agreed with the Somali Government to develop pilot programmes under the Foreign Secretary’s Prevent Sexual Violence Initiative – an objective that will form a key part of the Somalia Conference in London on 7th May 2013. Everything I have seen in Somalia has showed me that women must play a critical role in Somalia’s continued recovery. As we celebrate International Women’s Day, the UK is prepared to support Somalia’s women and children now and for the long-term, as we hope others will. To celebrate International Women’s Day, I want to sign off this blog with a short extract from a poem by Liban Obsiye: “While her brothers prepare to eat, She is cooking their meal. While her brothers are away playing, She helps her mother. She is a girl. A Somali girl. While her husband is shouting and screaming, She is teaching her children. While her husband sleeps, She is studying. She is a wife. A Somali wife. While the men fight, She is making peace. While the men disappear, She is providing a living for her family. She is a mother. A nation’s mother.”

Somali's Roadblocks Business Boom

The boom in Somalia’s roadblocks

 

Since the collapse of Siad Barre’s government in 1991 roadblocks controlled by unscrupulous men have been the hallmark of Somalia, especially South Central Somalia. It was only during the short-lived tenure of the Union of Islamic Courts that this part of the country experienced life without roadblocks. When the Courts had disappeared, anarchy returned and roadblocks started to appear.

Ethiopian forces drove the Islamic Courts out of power in December 2006 and South Central Somalia regained its lawlessness. According to Swiss Peace, six months after the Islamic Courts was defeated 238 roadblocks appeared in South Central Somalia alone and after one year that number reached almost 340. The United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) noted in Dec 2007, “Ad hoc roadblocks that charge taxes ranging from US$70 – US$500 to move in and out of Mogadishu have caused huge hindrances to the humanitarian community in accessing vulnerable people. In November, Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs) reported delays and payment of taxes of up to US$ 475 at eight roadblocks on the Mogadhishu/Afgooye road – a major area of humanitarian operations. The highest number of roadblocks since the beginning of 2007 – 336 in total – was recorded in November.” OCHA produced the following chart which shows the increase of roadblocks in Somalia in 2007.

Mogadishu spun out of control after Ethiopian forces supporting Somalia's interim government took control of the city. Hundreds of thousands of its residents fled the city. Most of the fleeing residents initially sought refuge in a near by town called Afgooye. Others still live in makeshift shelters on the road between Mogadishu and Afgooye. Steve Bloomfield of the Independent writes, “More than 600,000 people fled Mogadishu last year. Around 200,000 are now living in squalid impromptu refugee camps along a 15km- stretch of road outside the capital. According to UN officials it is the largest concentration of displaced people anywhere in the world. Those same officials now consider Somalia to be the worst humanitarian catastrophe in Africa, eclipsing even Darfur in its sheer horror.”

As a result, the road between Mogadhishu and Afgooye has become an artery for internally displaced people, humanitarian organisations and others. Unfortunately, this road is fraught with difficulties as it is peppered with roadblocks. Let us take a virtual tour of this road from Mogadishu to Afgooye and see the major roadblocks but first let us start with some operational details.

Groups that run roadblocks have certain rules that are strictly adhered to. Disobedience can be fatal. All road users are expected to pay according to the vehicle they are driving and at the main roadblocks there is no room for bargaining. However, there is room for negotiation at minor roadblocks. Regardless of the nature of the roadblock, anyone who fails to pay may be turned away or worse may be incarcerated or their car keys confiscated. According to the government, some roadblocks are legal while others are illegal. If the collected money goes to the government, that roadblock is considered to be legal. Otherwise it is considered to be illegal but it is impossible for road users to tell which is which. The government controls several roadblocks within a distance of less than 30 kilometres of Mogadishu and the following ones are legal in the eyes of the government:

Ex-Control

This roadblock, known as Ex-Control, is about 7 km from Mogadishu. It used to belong to a militia loyal to Osman Atto, a former warlord who is currently a Member of Parliament of the Transitional Federal Government. Now the Police manage this roadblock. Ironically, the commander of the Police Force is Abdi Qeybdiid, who is a former warlord and an archenemy of Osman Atto. This roadblock is manned by 20 to 25 policemen equipped with light weapons. There are also Ethiopian troops nearby as the roadblock is situated between two Ethiopian army positions, one in KM6 and the other in the Correctional Division’s former headquarters. The following table shows how much a vehicle is charged every time it passes the roadblock. The exchange rate at the time of writing 1USD (one US Dollar) equals 21,000 Somali Shilling.

Biil

Biil is another roadblock, situated just before Siinka Dheer. This roadblock also belongs to the Police and they charge the same amount as at Ex-Control. Fewer policemen control this one.

Siinka Dheer

This roadblock is about 15 km from Mogadishu and used to belong to Abdi Qeybdiid, the current commander of the Police Force. This roadblock is staffed by three separate groups – one from the Ministry of Finance, another from the Ministry of Transport and a third from the Mogadishu Administration. The mayor of Mogadishu is a former warlord. There are about 50 to 60 men at this roadblock and they charge different rates. The following table shows how much each group charges.

KM 16

KM 16 is another roadblock controlled by the Administration of Lower Shabelle Region. There are about 50 to 65 men equipped with light weapons and two gun mounted vehicles. The following is their tax chart

Hotel Ismaacil

This roadblock is about 28 km from Mogadishu and is also controlled by the Administration of Lower Shabelle Region. Before the Islamic Courts, Indha Cade, a former warlord used to run it. This roadblock is located at the junction of two major roads, one from the Juba area and one from the Baydhabo area. Vehicles are charged the same amount as at KM 16. There are about 80 to 100 men operating at this roadblock equipped with light weapons and 3 to 5 gun mounted vehicles.

Luckily, this virtual tour does not cost us anything. Had we been travelling from Mogadishu to Afgooye driving a typical pickup vehicle, we would have paid about 250,000 So Sh, which is equivalent to $12. And if we were delivering humanitarian supplies using a Fiat truck, we would have paid 1,090,000 So Sh or $52 assuming that there were no other roadblocks. Finally, just imagine how much it would cost to travel from Mogadishu to Kismayo, a city which is 500 km south of the capital Mogadishu. As the number of roadblocks increases the harder it is going to be for economic activity to continue and for humanitarian organisations to serve the needy.

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Somalia Must Strengthen the rule of Law and Investigate Sexual Violence

Abdikani Hussein Somalia has come a long way, but its people deserve nothing less than full investigations into claims of sexual abuse and rape. On February 5, 2013, a court in Mogadishu handed down a one year imprisonment sentence to a Somali journalist and a woman he had interviewed who claimed she had been raped by members of the Somali security forces. The case itself is most troubling on many levels. Human rights and women's groups, international legal organisations, media outlets and the donor community at large pointed to a number of irregularities including lengthy pre-trial detention without charge, gaps in access to legal assistance even during interrogation and reliance on Sharia law for sentencing but not for charging the suspects. Monitoring groups also suggested that the trial judge rejected hearing the evidence of three witnesses who were due to testify for the defence of the journalist. The National Union of Somali Journalists (NUSOJ) said the trial was an attack on press freedom in the country and the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Navi Pillay issued a statement stating that the sentence risked seriously undermining the fight against sexual violence. The UN Secretary-General was among the first leaders of the international community to express his deep disappointment over the one-year sentences handed down in Mogadishu. He also expressed the organisation's alarm over reports of pervasive sexual violence in IDP (internally displaced persons) camps in and around Mogadishu, saying "These crimes are under reported because of risks to victims, witnesses and family members, as well as of intense stigmatisation. It takes extraordinary courage for survivors to come forward." "Somalia is emerging from a long and difficult period of instability, with representative institutions and a new government that has made a commendable commitment to uphold human right and the rule of law for all. This journey must begin with a solid foundation based on respect for human rights, freedom of expression and fair judicial process," said the UN Secretary-General in his statement on the trial and sentencing. The Somali government has also reacted. A human rights task force has been established to investigate human rights abuses in the last 12 months and the Somali Prime Minister, Abdi Farah Shirdon, has publically reiterated the Somali government's commitment to upholding human rights and freedom of expression, reiterated the government's support for press freedom and stressed his commitment to security sector reform. The Prime Minister and President Hassan Sheikh Mahamoud also pointed out the criticality of an effective, independent, transparent and well-resourced judiciary. These are all positive signs, but a first step is to ensure that all allegations of sexual violence are investigated fully and perpetrators are brought to justice. Likewise, freedom of expression is a keystone of a democratic state and as Somalia continues its journey towards democratic elections in the next four years, it will be critical to ensure that Somalis can voice their opinion without fear of reprisals. Somalia has made remarkable progress in a short period of time and the UN Political Office remains committed to working with the government of Somalia to strengthen the rule of law and protect human rights, even as we work to facilitate the strengthening of the security sector and promote accountable and transparent governance and promote the dignity of the Somali people. Somalia's long suffering people deserve nothing less.

UN Eases Somali Arms Embargo

By:Abdikani Hussein Somalia: Arms race vs arms embargo? We examine how the unrest in the Horn of Africa is being exacerbated and who stands to gain from it. As the US pushes for an end to the arms embargo on Somalia, a United Nations monitoring team reports that a growing number of arms is being smuggled to al-Qaeda-linked fighters in the Horn of Africa. It points fingers at what it calls networks in Yemen and Iran. "Somalia is a country caught between a transition from a war economy, dominated by warlords and other criminal networks, and a peace economy which is now beginning to evolve around the new government in Mogadishu. So what you see is not a coordinated process of exporting arms to Somalia, it is basically a way of networks of Somali warlords finding sources of arms and this is where Iran becomes one of the major sources. Iran is facing global sanctions and it naturally looks for whichever way is available to make a dollar or two in order to keep its economy soaring ... It's a natural trend by countries facing embargos or sanctions." - Peter Kagwanja, the director of the Africa Policy Institute The weapon shipments reportedly include machine guns and components for Improvised Expolsive Devices (IEDs).Yemen has become an important hub for smuggling arms into Somalia. According to the latest findings by the monitoring group, which tracks compliance with UN sanctions on Somalia and Eritrea, most weapons deliveries are coming into northern Somalia - that is, the autonomous Puntland and Somaliland regions - after which they are moved south into areas controlled by the al-Shabab movement. Yemen is proving to be of central importance for arming al-Shabab, the monitors' reporting shows, both because it is feeding arms into northern Somalia and because it has become a playing field for Iranian interests in Somalia and elsewhere. Last month, Yemeni coast guards and the US Navy seized a consignment of missiles and rockets that the Sanaa government says were sent by Iran, and it asked the UN Security Council to investigate the matter. The Yemeni government continues to fear rebellion by groups in both the north and the south of the country, while the US fears that there are also large factions linked to al-Qaeda sheltering in the conflict zones. So, can ending the 20-year-old UN arms embargo on Somalia be a solution or yet another problem in an emerging arms race in the region? And who stands to benefit from the turmoil? Inside Story, with presenter Mike Hanna, discusses with guests: Peter Kagwanja, the director of the Africa Policy Institute; Roland Marchal, a senior research fellow at the National Centre for Scientific Research, at the Paris Institute of Political Science; and David Shinn, a former US ambassador to Ethiopia, and a professor of international affairs at George Washington University. "It's a region which has been awash in arms for many decades. The difference today is that the source of the arms is changing somewhat. But you've had a long standing flow of arms from Yemen and particularly contact between al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula and the al-Shabab organisation in Somalia; that part is not particularly new. What seems to be wrong is the Iranian involvement; although I think there has been some Iranian engagement in the past, the focus on Iran now is definitely different from what I've seen in the last decade or two." David Shinn, a professor of international affairs at George Washington University THE HORN OF AFRICA CONFLICT Somalia has experienced more than two decades of uninterrupted conflict and has for much of that time been without a functioning, central government In 1991, President Mohammed Siad Barre was ousted by rebels and fled the country; civil war broke out across Somalia Between 1992 and 1995, the United Nations intervened in a bid to restore peace; the largely US-led mission ended in failure More than than 10 years later, and following the September 11 attacks, the US opened a base in neighbouring Djibouti amid fears that Somalia was becoming a safe haven for al-Qaeda fighters In 2006, the US backed an Ethiopian invasion to topple militia forces that had taken control of much of southern Somalia In 2007, an African Union force was deployed in Somalia In 2012, Ethiopian and Somali troops began a coordinated offensive against al-Shabab; the group's grip on the south was largely broken In August 2012, Somalia's first formal parliament in more than 20 years was sworn in In January 2012, the US formally recognised the new government - and now we see diplomatic moves underway to end the arms boycott Security Council agrees to lift decades-old embargo for one year to help in its fight against armed al-Shabab group.The UN Security Council has agreed to partially lift a decades-old arms embargo on Somalia for one year, allowing the government in Mogadishu to buy light weapons to strengthen its security forces to fight the armed al-Shabab group. The 15-member council on Wednesday unanimously adopted a British-drafted resolution that also renewed a 17,600-strong African Union peacekeeping force for a year and reconfigured the UN mission in the Horn of Africa country. Somalia's government had asked for the arms embargo to be removed and the US supported that, but other Security Council members were wary about completely lifting the embargo on a country that is already awash with weapons, diplomats said. "What we have tried to do is draw a balance between those who wanted an unrestricted lifting of the arms embargo and those who felt it was premature to lift the arms embargo," Mark Lyall Grant, Britain's UN ambassador, told reporters after the vote. "It is a good and strong compromise." Feuding warlords The embargo was imposed on Somalia in 1992 to cut the flow of weapons to feuding warlords, who a year earlier had ousted dictator Mohamed Siad Barre and plunged the country into civil war. Somalia held its first vote last year to elect a president and prime minister since 1991. "Yes there are major challenges, but we are now ... moving away from international trusteeship of the situation in Somalia towards supporting the government's efforts to address its own problems," the British diplomat said. The UN resolution would allow sales of such weapons as automatic assault rifles and rocket-propelled grenades, but leaves in place a ban on surface-to-air missiles, large-calibre guns, howitzers, cannons and mortars as well as anti-tank guided weapons, mines and night vision weapon sights. It also requires that the Somalia government or the country delivering assistance notify the Security Council "at least five days in advance of any deliveries of weapons and military equipment ... providing details of such deliveries and assistance and the specific place of delivery in Somalia". 'Vote of confidence' The Somali government believes lifting the embargo will help it strengthen its poorly equipped, ill-disciplined military, which is more a collection of rival militias than a cohesive fighting force loyal to a single president. "The support is a vote of confidence for the government of Somalia given the improvement of the security situation in that country," Argentina's UN Ambassador Maria Cristina Perceval told the Council. The AU peacekeeping force - made up of troops from Uganda, Burundi, Kenya and Ethiopia - is battling al-Shabab fighters on several fronts in Somalia and has forced them to abandon significant territory in southern and central areas. The group, who affiliated themselves with the al-Qaeda in February last year, launched their campaign against the government in early 2007, seeking to impose sharia, or Islamic law, on the entire country. Amnesty International, Human rights group, on Monday called on the UN not to lift the embargo, describing the idea as premature and warning that it could "expose Somali civilians to even greater risk and worsen the humanitarian situation".

The Article of Times Writers Group: Innovation needs to continue in St. Cloud school district

Written by: Abdikani Hussein The article of Times Writers Group: Innovation needs to continue in St. Cloud school district written by Dick Andzenge is baseless on factors and evidence. Its focusing on one aspect of complex and it is ignoring the whole truth. Somali population in St. Cloud is growing rapidly and there is also cultural misunderstanding between their white Caucasian classmates in district 742. Somali students now make up about 10 percent of the student population in the St. Cloud Area School District 742 and their numbers have been quickly growing. The entire district has about 10,000 students. In addition its true Wars and political instability from Somalia and South Sudan have brought them to St. Cloud, MN which is unfortunately was not their place of choice. First, your opinion is prejudice by calling "they have never lived stable lives" and disrespecting the whole communities of Somalis and South Sudan. Secondly, you mentioned that "they brought to St. Cloud many traumatized refugees and their children." the question is have you examined the whole communities of Somalis and South Sudan’s scientifically , theoretically or clinically research for the purpose of understanding Refugee trauma or labeling the whole community as "they brought to St. Cloud many traumatized." Finally, you have claimed that "many of their parents are uneducated and not able help their children with school work." I am sure any parents who mastered at least two languages are not uneducated. Most of these parents who u labeled them uneducated are bilingual and educated. In my acknowledgement there could be a language barrier, and that does not make these parents uneducated or unworthy. The two key factors to understanding Somali settlement experiences in St. Cloud, MN are the limited human capital that they came with and their financial obligations to kin left behind. First, human capital and overall educational levels and language and other knowledge and skills. While Somalis who came to the U.S. prior to the collapse had higher educational levels, the majority of newcomers had good levels of formal schooling. The opportunities available to the majority of Somali youth to acquire formal education in a predominantly nomadic society were severely limited. But, most Somalis were educated through an English curriculum in the Northern parts of Somalia and another group that were educated either in Italian or Arabic in the South, formal educational institutions were Highly valued in Somalia. Somalia is a poetry nation and Somali language script was adopted in early 1970s and the expansion of educational opportunities to a larger segment of the population in towns and cities. Educational opportunities involved primary and secondary education in Somalia with highly post-secondary educational prospects. Consequently, even Somali refugees who had some post-secondary education in the home country came to the Western world with very limited English language and highly skilled in Math and Science. The Somali and South Sudan community deserves integrity, apology, respect and dignity from DR. Dick Andzenge.

French Resistance and the Algerian War

Decolonisation Empire Military Political Social Second World War 20th Century Africa Algeria France Martin Evans has tracked down and interviewed many of those who helped the Algerian FLN - and outlines here the links between the experience of resistance to the Nazis and the struggle against colonial rule. During the 1950s the Algerian struggle against France and its white settlers for independence inflamed passions and hatreds in both countries - while a small number of Frenchmen and women helped the Algerian liberation movement in defiance of their government and the sentiments of the majority. What made them do it? The French conquest of Algeria began in 1830. In 1848 Algeria was annexed as three French departments. During the nineteenth century there were two waves of French immigration: post 1848 and post 1881. At the same time Algerians were systematically pauperised. Traditional patterns of land ownership were dismantled and French settlers were allowed to buy or confiscate land. In 1954, French Algeria was a society rigidly polarised along racial lines, economically, politically and culturally. On the one side there were one million French settlers; on the other nine million Algerians. So from the outset the relationship between Algeria and France, French and Algerians, was a racist, colonial one, based on violence. Colonialism began with violence and it was ended by violence. The Algerian war started with the insurrection organised by the National Liberation Front (FLN), on November 1st, 1954, and lasted until 1962 when Algeria became independent. During those eight years one million Algerians died. In 1954 there were 200,000 Algerians living in France. Of those 150,000 were working, the majority in the building or steel industries. Slowly but surely the FLN began to organise Algerians in France. It was Algerians in France that were to finance the war. Through a well organised system of collectors, the FLN taxed every Algerian in France on a sliding scale – 500 old francs a month for students, 3,000 for workers, to 50,000 and upwards for shopkeepers. Getting this money out of France presented a major problem for the FLN. Any Algerian that was a courier would immediately arouse suspicion. This meant that the FLN looked for French people sympathetic to their cause who would give them practical support. At the same time a small minority of French people actively looked for contacts with the FLN. They saw working with the FLN as a legitimate way of expressing their anger at the Algerian war. What they were involved in was illegal, clandestine work, hiding FLN members, transporting money that the FLN received from Algerian workers, 'passing' Algerians across frontiers. Of the French people actively involved with the FLN the most famous are those associated with the Jeanson network. This had been set up by Francis Jeanson in 1957, Jeanson was an intellectual closely associated with Jean-Paul Sartre. During the late 1940s and early 1950s he had visited Algeria twice. Shocked by colonialism he contacted Algerian nationalists and on returning to France he wrote a number of articles warning of the explosive situation. In 1955 he co-authored a book fiercely attacking French policy in Algeria and highly sympathetic to the FLN. The Jeanson network became so notorious because of the arrests in February 1960 and the subsequent trial in September of the same year which received large media attention. But there were other networks elsewhere in France, in Marseille, Lyon and Lille. Apart from these networks there were French people that worked directly with the FLN. This actively brought together a wide range of people, often in the most unlikely combinations. One network operating in the Lyon/Macon area was made up of an anarchist, a Trotskyist and a Roman Catholic priest. What motivated a minority of French people to help the FLN through illegal activity? What events and experiences provoked the kind of defiance necessary to consider such activity? Why and how did people discover what their ideas were, where their sympathies lay, and how far they were prepared to go in their opposition to the Algerian war and support for the FLN? What values did they invoke to justify their action? What practical examples did they look towards to guide them? Between March and October of 1989 I conducted a series of interviews with former resisters. Through oral history I wanted to understand their motivations for resistance. I set out to recreate the atmosphere of the Algerian war to show the particular climate in which people made certain choices. What I wanted to emphasise were motives, feelings and consequences – surely all concerns of history. Inevitably in the time that has elapsed since the end of the war memories have been 'worked over'; but much less so than in other circumstances. Firstly many of the participants were young at the time, under thirty, and their memories have 'frozen' as a result. For many the Algerian war was their first major political involvement. They were highly committed and the events have remained intense, unique, deeply personal. The result is that the issues and motivations have not blurred with time. Secondly, unlike the Second World War resistance movement, the resistance to the Algerian war has never been legitimised. In the period after the Liberation, the ambiguities of the Occupation tended to be effaced and the phenomenon of resistance was placed within a simple historical continum, that of patriotic duty against the invader. Their action was no different to that of French people during the First World War. Thus the question of motivations for many Second World War resisters was a straightforward affair: 'I was patriotic against the Germans'. This has never been the case with the French resistance to Algerian war. Many remained in prison until 1964, two years after the end of hostilities. They were not given amnesty until 1966 and many found it difficult to reintegrate into French society. During the Algerian war the resisters' activity was seen as 'abnormal' behaviour, it marked them out as traitors, rebels, outsiders in the eyes of French society. And, despite the time that has elapsed, even now a large number of French people would be reluctant to endorse what they did. For the right they were traitors; for the established left they were irresponsible, adventurists. The Communist Party might have taken a clear position against the war but it never condoned illegal action. Any member found to be working with the FLN was immediately excluded. Prejudice and hostility continues to exist, something accentuated by the re-emergence of extreme right- wing racism during the 1980s. In siding with the FLN in such a way they crossed too many taboos. This means that their action has never been accepted within the dominant culture in the way that Second World War resistance was. Because of the transgressive nature of their activity the question of motivations, why they did what they did, has, I feel, always remained an issue. Testament to this was the fact that during oral transmission the sharpness of accusations and feelings about torture, the Battle of Algiers, had not diminished with time. All retained a clear idea of the path they had travelled, the taboos they had crossed, in arriving at illegal activity. A sense of personal development and personal change was very strong. 'In 1954 I was like that – by 1962 I was like that' many told me. A lot of the life stories involved painful ruptures with their families. Jean-Louis Hurst deserted from the French army in 1958 because he did not want to fight in Algeria. He has not spoken to his father since. Indeed his father, a Second World War veteran, even offered to go and fight in his place. Anne Preiss was a member of the Lyon network. She managed to leave France before she was arrested. In 1961 she was condemned to ten years in prison in her absence. Her parents were deeply shocked. Even now the subject is a difficult one. Across the oral testimonies I found that a sense of the Second World War resistance to Nazism was a vital reference point. The way that interviewees remembered the Second World War was central in explaining their motivations for resistance to the Algerian war. What position then, did 'resistance' hold in post-1945 French culture? How did those who worked with the FLN appropriate the word 'resistance' and invest it with their own meaning in the context of the Algerian war? In post-Second World War France 'resistance' was a powerful word and it is not surprising when we consider how much it stood for in the experience of France after the Occupation. Resistance and a whole cluster of words associated with it, like occupation, liberation, maquis, torture, deportation, immediately conjured up images of unforgettable clarity that were seen to evoke something pro- found about French identity. Powerful feelings and images gathered around these words testifying to the intensity of the Nazi occupation. In post-1945 France these words came together to build a picture of resistance which had great emotional force. The resistance came to be enshrined in monuments, ceremonies, books, films, popular comics and associations of former resisters. Each political party tried to appropriate the spirit of 'resistance', creating its own memory of the Second World War. Gaullists emphasised the Cross of Lorraine and the role of de Gaulle as the pioneer of resistance; the Communist Party presented itself as the party of martyrs because of the huge number of Communists that had been shot or deported by the Nazis. The issue of resistance continued to occupy centre stage under the Fourth Republic. There was the argument over the re-arming of West Germany in the early 1950s. Both de Gaulle and the Communist Party were against it. To re-arm Germany would be to betray the memories of the victims of Nazism, this was the position of the Communist Party. In January and February 1953 the leaders of the SS division, Das Reich, which was responsible for the massacre of over 600 French people at Oradour-sur-Glane in June 1944, were put on trial in Bordeaux. In an opinion poll in July 1954, 85 per cent of French people said that Nazi atrocities had not been exaggerated, 61 per cent feared the reopening of concentration camps, and 45 per cent preferred a Germany that was weak and divided. Resistance meant many things to many people. In post-1945 France a number of images of the Resistance co-existed unevenly. There was the image of the Resistance as a regular army; then the image of the Resistance as an irregular, transgressive force, involving illegal, subversive activity. In my opinion, in post-Second World War France, this illegal, transgressive side of resistance was down-played, consciously effaced even. This 'normalisation' process began at the Liberation when partisan troops were sent into the regular French army. In bringing maverick partisan troops under the control of career officers the autonomous action and culture which had marked so much of the resistance experience was eclipsed. What was constructed was a unified view of resistance where the interior resistance was more akin to a regular army, closely identified with de Gaulle, and fighting for an uncomplicated, patriotic image of France. Such a view was highly gendered. Emphasis was placed on armed combat, something traditionally associated with men. This image fitted in with the prevailing notions of warfare and meant that recognition was denied other forms of participation. It defined resistance in terms of national characteristics. On the one side were the Germans, brutal and barbaric; then on the other the French, courageous and heroic, the defenders of liberty. Nevertheless there were a disparate range of public versions of the Resistance. Moving from the public to the personal, how do the interviewees re- member the Occupation? – and how has this memory of the Occupation structured their response to the Algerian war? All interviewees talked about the Occupation as a highly formative experience. Paule Bolo was born in 1929. In 1944 she was fifteen. During the Occupation she was in the Dauphine: The Occupation was very hard. At the Liberation not everything was good. We saw people claim to be resisters when we knew perfectly well that they were not. So you see my generation saw too many things not to have a need for a set of moral standards, a value system if you like. Myself, I had this need because of the violence of the Occupation. The problem of moral choices was omnipresent. The hunger confronted you with a concrete reality. For example my sister became anorexic because the food was so bad. It was difficult because she wanted to give me the bread she did not want. It was fundamental things, simple things like that which changed you. What values? Certainly liberty, equality and fraternity – these words still move me. Myself I lived through Vichy when they wanted to take away these words from us. Myself, I heard family, homeland, work. In 1940 the Vichy regirne replaced liberty, equality, fraternity, the slogans of the French Revolution, with family, homeland and work. In 1953 Paule Bolo had a baby. This was an important moment in her life. She decided she had to change the world she was bringing this baby into. So she decided to join the Communist Party. Why? Because for her the Communist Party was the party of the Resistance. Claudie Duhamel was born in 1937. She was seven in 1944: During the Occupation I was in the south of France, in the Pau region, with my brother and sister living with a guardian. This was because we had been cut off from my mother and father during the German invasion in 1940. Our guardian she was in the Resistance. I remember when the local dentist was arrested. Our guardian told us that the dentist had been arrested and tortured by the Gestapo. I memorised what she told us so well that I often recounted what had happened as if I had actually seen it. It was the invention of memories. I could not have seen it. Jean Berthet was born in 1921. In 1944 he was twenty-three. He was born in Saigon in Indochina into an ultra-bourgeois family. A resister during the Second World War, he was put in a camp just north of Paris. With the Allied landings in June 1944 the Nazis decided to move all the prisoners from this camp to concentration camps in Germany: I was put on the last train to Buchenwald. The Red Cross distributed parcels of food – bread, sliced sausage, salted things. Intuitively I thought – 'I won't eat because it will make me thirsty'. I am not sure how many days the journey lasted. Not a drop of water. Many people died. Some people began to drink their own urine. Others went completely mad. Myself I was practically in a coma when we arrived. Buchenwald was a remarkable experience for me. When I was arrested I still believed that the best people were the people from my social class and that other people were of no interest. In Buchenwald everybody was on the same social level – everybody was cold and hungry – had the same clothes – total equality. I noticed how people reacted differently. There was an incredible mix of people and I noticed that people of supposedly superior quality were the most egotistical, the most selfish, while those from the common people showed themselves to be extraordinary – dividing their Red Cross parcels and the like. So I learnt not to judge people by their manners. Bourgeois and Christian values had no relation to the day to day realities that I was living through. It is in dramatic situations that people truly show themselves. It was the people from the lower social classes who showed themselves to be exceptional... The deportation opened my eyes about human values. On returning to France I began to think about the experience I had been through with the Resistance and Buchenwald. I realised that at the beginning I had resisted for patriotic, nationalist reasons – but now I said to myself that I had in fact not resisted for France but because I was against oppression. I now began to see resistance differently. Above all it was the struggle against oppression, against humiliation, that was what the Resistance was about. Aline Charby was born in French Algeria in 1930 into a rich colonial family. She remembers the colonial milieu as an authoritarian, closed world. After the fall of France in 1940 all her family were fervent supporters of Marshal Petain. Gradually she began to rebel against these values culminating in her decision to go and live in Paris in 1951. There her life was transformed when she saw Night and Fog, a film about the concentration camps. From then on she began to make connections between Nazism and colonialism: I saw Night and Fog when it came out in 1953. I was completely washed out after seeing it. I saw it several times... It was a revelation for me about Nazism. It was a great shock. At the time I made the link between those around me who had supported Petain and those who had supported Hitler. Aline Charby saw the Algerian struggle against colonialism in terms of the French Resistance. The colonial mentality was a continuation of collaboration and to be done away with. This explains why she joined the Jeanson network in 1958. The Algerian war, with the nature of the fighting, a regular army against a guerrilla one, triggered off a whole series of associations with Second World War resistance. Memories of occupation came alive again and were thrust into the present. Pierre Deeschemaeker was a Catholic priest in Lille in the north of France. In 1955 he was sent to Algeria by the Church. On August 20th, 1955, he was in the Constantine region where the situation was tense and there was a lot of fighting. At midday I heard fighting. In the evening I saw the body of an Algerian which had been left in the street by the French army. This immediately reminded me of the Occupation even if I had not seen such atrocities myself. I was deeply shocked to see that the body was still there four or five hours after the fighting. The normal human reaction would have been to take the body away. It was obvious that it had been left there to inspire fear and terror in the Algerian population. As a young boy during the Occupation, Georges Mattei lived with his uncle in Burgundy. His uncle was in the Communist Resistance. For Mattei the Occupation left many vivid images, Nazis burning villages, his uncle being forced into hiding. In 1956 he was recalled to fight in Algeria. On the train to Marseille he kept pulling the brake cord and shouting 'Shoot Mollet', the prime minister. His action was noticed by his superiors and he was sent to Kabylia with the parachutists, the area where the fighting was the toughest: You have to remember that I am Corsican and that there is a physical resemblance between people from Kabylia and Corsica. One day my unit was sent to a village. We put the older people, women and children on one side, then the young men on the other whom we started to interrogate about the FLN. I was put on guard duty on the outskirts of the village with two other soldiers. Suddenly in the distance I saw an old man walking to- wards us, and you know in appearance he was just like my grandad. The other two soldiers were immediately aggressive with him – but I stepped in and asked him what he wanted. He told me he was worried about his son. He had heard that he had been picked up by the French army and he had some bread and cakes for him. 'He is about your age' he told me. I went away to see if we were still holding his son. After about twenty minutes I realised that we had taken him away that morning and shot him... I felt like a Nazi. Jean-Marie Boeglin organised the Lyon network. As a young boy he was involved in a Resistance network in the north of France. In 1944 and 1945 he fought in the French army. At the end of the war he was deeply shocked by the discovery of the concentration camps. During the Algerian war when the first books about torture appeared he made the comparison with the concentration camps: I was not astonished by books like Pierre-Henri Simon's Against Torture. They confirmed me in my convictions, but it is always terrifying to find your premonitions confirmed. I had the impression that it was like after the discovery of the concentration camps when people talked to people who lived nearby and they said they knew nothing about it. It was the same thing with Algeria – those books could only touch people who knew already. Madeleine Baudoin was a resister during the Second World War, decorated for bravery. She was recruited into the Marseille network helping the FLN in May 1960. When I asked her if she had any qualms about the tactics of the FLN, bombing attacks and assassinations, she replied: I was in agreement with such tactics. During the Second World War I had been a terrorist. Terrorism, that is terrorising the occupier, is very effective. In February 1960 a number of members of the Jeanson network were arrested. In September 1960 they were put on trial. The Manifesto of the 121, signed by leading intellectuals like Jean-Paul Sartre, declared solidarity with their action. It made explicit comparisons between the resistance to the Algerian war and the resistance to Nazism: The question of conscience was raised as soon as the war began. As the war drags on, it is normal that the question of conscience should be resolved concretely by an increasing number of acts of insubordination and desertion, as well as protection and help for the Algerian fighters. Freedom movements have grown outside the framework of any official parties, without their help and, finally, in spite of their disavowal. Once again, independently of any pre-existing groups or slogans, a resistance movement is born, by a spontaneous awakening; a movement that improvises its actions and methods in accordance with a new situation, the real meaning and demands of which the political groups and opinionated newspapers have tacitly agreed to ignore, either from apathy or doctrinal timidity or from nationalistic or moral prejudice. What both those people involved with the FLN, and the manifesto were drawing upon was a subversive, transgressive, highly illegal idea of the resistance, something, as I said, which had been effaced out at the Liberation. As under the Occupation a resistance movement had been painfully created through independent, grass-roots activity. Here the resistance was not presented as a uniquely French experience. Instead it was seen as universal, representing the struggle against oppression and humiliation. But it would be wrong to see a simple extension from resistance to Nazism, to directly helping the FLN. The historical context of the Algerian war was radically different from that of the Nazi occupation. In the way that it organised Algerian immigration on the French mainland the FLN took the war to the coloniser. This makes it, I think, a unique historical example. Within France itself the FLN built an alternative way of life, a society within a society, a society at war with the French government. In actively working with this society within a society, French people created a language of anti-colonialism. This language drew on the Resistance example, but also intersected with other discourses, discourses emanating from the Third World, and defined itself over and against what was seen as the paternalism of the established French left, to produce a distinctive anti-colonial perspective. Claude Bourdet was a prominent Second World War resister. Deported to Buchenwald he was made a Companion of the Liberation. In the post-war period he was involved with the new left trying to find a third way between Stalinism and social democracy. As a journalist he campaigned against the Algerian war. He wrote the first articles denouncing torture in Algeria. Reflecting back on the Algerian war he emphasises how the links between resistance to Nazism and resistance to the Algerian war were far from automatic ones: The people of the left of my generation did not perceive the colonial problem. I spent all my years in the Resistance without thinking for one second about the emancipation of the colonies. The idea that they could aspire to anything but being French did not occur to me. To understand this mystification I think that you have to go back to the French Revolution. The people of 1793 wanted to create a society where all citizens would be free and enjoy equal rights. The abolition of slavery seemed to confer a certain reality on this grand design. Myths like these came to be seen as truths and for 150 years French people learnt about the civilising role that France had in the world. The left, from the leaders to the rank and file, was saturated in this ideology, an ideology that was paternalist. In 1945 there was a consensus right across the political spectrum in favour of the French Empire, even if it was recognised that a new kind of association would have to be developed between France and her possessions. During the Second World War the de- fence of the integrity of the empire had been an essential element in the Gaullist ideology. The Socialist party wanted to emancipate the colonies from the abuses of colonialism, but was opposed to the nationalist movements. This emancipation, it was argued, could only be attained through an ever closer unity with a democratic and socialist France. Meanwhile the Communist Party abandoned its anti-colonialism of the pre-1956 and 1939-41 periods. Like de Gaulle, it regarded the preservation of the empire as crucial to France's standing in the post-war world. By 1960 a movement in France had been created which had anti-colonialism as its starting point. What was emphasised was the continuity between resistance to Nazism and resistance to colonialism. However illegal, resistance to the Algerian war was al- ways a minority phenomenon. We are talking about 1,000 people, 4,000 at the most. Why? Why was it such a minority phenomenon? If the connections between the Second World War resistance and the resistance to colonialism were so obvious for them, why were they not for many more people? The answers to these questions involve consideration of the language of the majority and the strength of other influences such as colonialism, racism, patriotism and nationalism, and the belief in the civilising mission of France.

Somalia: Time to catch up with the rest of Africa

Somalia: Time to catch up with the rest of Africa by Bashir Goth Friday, March 15, 2013.In its issue, 2nd -8th March 2013, The Economist magazine drew a rosy picture of Africa in a 14-page special report of what it described as “the world’s fastest growing continent,” with a cover page title “Aspiring Africa”, featuring the picture of a giraffe with an exaggeratedly long neck scanning the far horizon. This is the second time in a little over a year that The Economist hits such a high note on the rising economic role of Africa. In December 2011, the magazine’s cover carried an illustration of a boy flying a rainbow-colored kite made in the shape of the continent, with the title “Africa rising.” More than a decade ago, however and exactly in May 2000, the magazine branded Africa as “the hopeless continent,” above a cover image of a militia man holding a weapon cropped in the shape of the map of the continent. One of the articles in the latter issue painted a picture of a continent ravaged by war, famine and disease. In the 2013 issue, the magazine portrayed a continent witnessing a fast growing economy with a GDP expected to grow by an average of 6% a year in the next decade. It highlighted that while a decade ago only three countries out of 53 had democracies, the number has risen to 25 since then and only four (Eritrea, Swaziland, Libya and Somalia) out of its current 55 countries are lacking a multi-party constitution, noting that even the last two (Libya and Somalia) would soon get one. Among other things, the magazine cited the reduction of violence and the return of peace and stability as the main cause for the economic, political and cultural awakening of Africa. It was heartwarming to see Somaliland included in the magazine’s political map of emerging African democracies, but what was even more delightful was to see Somalia described as a place where “building sites now outnumber bomb sites.” Why I quoted The Economist? Because since the Magazine’s “hopeless continent” issue in 2000, most of the continent’s perennial hotspots on which the magazine based its negative attitude have made tremendous political and economic improvements after their civil wars came to an end. Conflicts died out in countries like Angola, Liberia, Cote d’Ivoire, Sierra Leone and others. It is only Somalia that still stands out as the ugly duckling and waits to join its swan sisters in their flight from war and poverty to prosperity, good governance and respect for the rule of law. However, with the removal of the plague of Al Shabab from the major cities and the establishment of the new Somali Federal government, Somalia seems to be moving towards the right direction. Mogadishu is bustling with construction, business and cultural activities, people are sunbathing on the beaches, women are once again driving and enjoying their freedom and the diaspora Somalis are flocking back to the country bringing with them investments and badly needed entrepreneurship and professional expertise and one hopes not with the intention of looting and running back to their foreign safe havens. The international community is also doing its part to ensure that the baby steps being the taken by new Somali government towards recovery develop into a steady and vigorous walk. The US recognition of the new government was a warm welcome and a curtain raiser for the huge enthusiasm the world has for the Somali people to lift their country from the internecine fratricide war and economic deprivation and to contribute to the world’s peace and stability instead of being a source of terrorism and piracy. The partial lifting of the arms embargo is a “vote of confidence” as pointed out by the Argentinean Ambassador to the UN and a small measure to help Somalia to move away from the international trusteeship and regain its sovereignty as stated by the British Ambassador to the UN. The question is, are we as Somalis, ready to seize the moment? Are we willing to put our tribal sentiments aside and help the government to achieve its goals in improving the country’s security and justice system? Are we willing to put the building of our nationhood before erecting fences between our clans? Are we willing to work together to rid ourselves of the curse of piracy and terrorism and show the world our acumen for entrepreneurship and innovation? Are we ready to safeguard our country from being an easy prey to foreign greed, our seas to be the permanent dumping ground for world waste, our natural wealth usurped by unscrupulous corporations, our whole country swallowed by neighboring countries and our existence wiped out from the world map? Well, if you think my concern is just an absurdly alarmist call for a fictional doom’s day, think again. We have already seen the abyss and we know what it looks like to be without a country, without dignity, without pride and to be roving, begging refugees on whose face every door is closed, whose identity is suspected at every airport, whose name is mocked as a symbol of lawlessness, failure and violence. It is enough that the term Somalization has become a fearful and notorious word for political failure and endless fragmentation of any country in the 21st century political lexicon. There is no doubt that the road to recovery is long and strenuous. And naturally people would be eager to see quick improvements in their livelihoods, security and the establishment of the rule of law, but it is also true that despite the best of intentions, the government will surely sometimes falter in its efforts deal with the monumental problems it faces and due to its chronic lack of capacity and resources. The most vital contribution we can make to help the government to achieve some of its goals is to be patient and tolerant with it. It has already achieved a lot in the short time that it has been in power. The government has already made remarkable gains in its foreign policy. In less than six months it got international recognition, partial lifting of the arms embargo, attracting some foreign investments and improving the security of the areas liberated from Al Shabab. On the domestic front, the government has removed dozens of the notorious check points where bandits and clan militias used to rob people from their hard earned meager incomes. This is not a mean feat for a government that faces the task of cleaning up the physical mess and mental scars left by more than 20 years of war and mayhem. This doesn’t mean that we have to give carte blanche to the government and overlook its wrong doings and shortcomings. On the contrary, we have to be vigilant to keep an eye on the government’s dealings to ensure that the government is accountable to the people and that power and resources are distributed as fairly as possible and justice is delivered where it is due. Apart from reinforcing security and defeating the remnants of Al Shabab, the other urgent priority for the government should be to establish an independent justice system that could and should immediately start a process of documenting all crimes committed against the people over the last 20 years. Justice should be where the healing of the Somali people starts and where the government should put all its power to deliver it. Criminals who held the nation hostage for 20 years and more should not be allowed to get away with their crimes. Warlords, rapists, looters who robbed food from refugee children, Al Shabab and extremist hypocrites who tortured the Somali people in the name of Islam and caused immense mental and physical agony to them should face their victims in court. This is the hour for patriotism, if we have an iota of patriotism remaining in any of us; the hour that we have to look each other in the eyes and take responsibility for what we did to our country; the hour that each and every Somali should think what she or he can do for our country and not for our clans; the hour that we should all realize that no single clan can stand alone and it is only through the overall prosperity and wellbeing of our country that all clans can prosper; the hour that we have to collectively say: Yes, it is time we have to catch up with the rest of Africa.

An open letter to Professor Kapteijns: A rejoinder

by Abdulkadir Osman “Aroma” Thursday, March 28, 2013 Recently I have read and gave cursory look at your book entitled “Clan cleansing in Somalia”, published 2013. As you said you had travelled and visited places like: Addis Ababa, Jigjig, Djibouti, Yemen, Nairobi, Netherlands as well as Rome & London, but never travelled to Somalia. Really you have done extensive research, an important and valuable work. Your book will be part of Somali history good or bad, true or untrue, biased or fair, partial or impartial. As writer who likes history books as well as literature and arts, I appreciated some parts of your book, but disagreed on some inaccurate reports reflected in it. It is common habit for a singer, or poet, writer or artist to follow in the footsteps of his favourite fellow. It seems that you have followed as role model ‘I.M.Lewis’ who wrote several books about Somalia, but many Somalis dislike his distorted books and they nicknamed him “clan spokesman or pay as you go cell phone scholar”. Whether you did it deliberately or just because of poor knowledge of the root causes of Somalia debacle, you seem to saying little about the mentioning in your writing about the worst disasters that have ever happened in Somalia. This serious flaw makes your book incomplete. The below enumerated disasters are well-documented to be ignored: v The military campaign against Isaaq 1988-90 was the worst brutal act of genocide. v The Man-made famine with the massacre against Rahanweyn civilians 1991-92 was the second brutal act of genocide. v Unarmed minorities (Banaadiri, Jareer & Galgalo) were victims of major clan confrontations and suffered substantial loss of lives and properties. v The internecine warfare between USC-Aideed and USC-Mahdi 1991-92 was another disaster which affected the entire inhabitants of Banaadir Region. v The occupation of Ethiopian troops which inflicted incalculable huge damage to Southern Regions 2007/9. v The on-going Shabaab atrocities 2009-13 which caused chaos and instability in Southern Somalia is another disaster. In the 308 pages of your detailed book, you have dedicated less than twenty pages to these six worst disasters that ever happened in Somali soil, whilst you emphasised in more than 200 pages what you called “Clan Cleansing against Daarood”. In covering the above six catastrophe, you narrated them like cameraman reporting tiger chasing gazelle in animal zoo, not as human tragedy. If you had in mind those who fled the civil war 1991-92, it is natural that every war causes refuges, for instance defeated groups and minorities fled from their homes and that is sort of clan cleansing. It seems that, over 80% of the bibliographies and individuals who are your primary source of information or supported your research, are from one Somali clan whilst you ignored other clans, who may be useful for your research. This should be a clear indication of your biased work and lack of objectivity on your part. As I understand from your book you obtained most oral accounts related to the Manifesto Group from General Abdullahi Hoolif, but you never contacted Dr Ahmed Darman (former Ambassador to China, not Iran) who was one of the senior founders of the movement who had lived in Virginia before he passed away in December 2012. You referred to many books written by one particular Somali clannish persons, but ignoring other books written by other Somali clans, like: “Gelbiskii Geerida” written by General Ahmed Jilicow, with long experience in Intelligence Service. Myself I wrote 5 books printed in Malaysia (Sababihii Burburka Somaaliya, Tiirka Colaadda, Hadimadii Gumeysiga, Sooyaal Somaaliya & Taangiga Tigreega. Please visit www.gargaartrust.com) all available in every continent and in every major library. In North America, interested readers can buy at Somali shops in Minnesota, Washington-Seattle, Virginia, North Caroline, Toronto & Ottawa. You highlighted a fabricated story ‘Daarood dominated other clans for one century’. In the line of Somali history no clan ever dominated other clans and also Somali clans never had central administration or powerful kingdom like Buganda of Uganda or Axum Empire of Ethiopia. Historically, every tribe was independent from each other and had their own mini state. Ugaas acted as head of state; nabaddoons acted as ministers, youth acted as military and women acted as production and child teaching institution for posterity. Ralph Brockman the author of “The British Somaliland” published by Hurst & Blacket 1912 in London, said “Somalis are independent by nurture and everyone is his own sultan”. Late 19th century from North to South, 13 tribal chiefs signed protectorate agreement with British and Italian colonial officers, see ‘Tiirka Colaadda’ page 18. There was no clan dominance, but from 1950s betrayal, tribalism, nepotism, corruption & maladministration was unleashed by the successive administrations. All these malpractices have generated the collapse of Somali State. Among Somali community there are irrational persons who suffer from severe clan schizophrenia and are specialist in how to sell to foreigners their clan legends. They claim shamefully their clan enjoys God-given leadership, that they are former rulers, freedom fighters and founders of Somali state. This is plain clannish lie contrary to Somali culture as well as the reality on the ground and Somali history in the archives of colonial era. After the First World War, the European Colonial Powers adopted new policy in Somalia which led to two contrasting results: “disadvantage & advantage”. Looking from the disadvantage angle, they dismembered homogeneous Somali people into five portions. The advantage was that, they introduced a system of unitary government. For example, Governor De Vecchi, who ruled Southern Somalia for 5 years, arrested all notorious local Chiefs ‘similar to today’s warlords’ and set up the first central administration with capital city Mogadishu. From this evidence, I belief that Governor De Vecchi was father and founder of the Somali State, “see his book “Orizzanti d’ Impero, Cinque Anni in Somalia”. Similarly, Sir Geoffrey Archer, Governor of British Protectorate of Somaliland crashed the Dervish movement and arrested arrogant chiefs and created what is called Somaliland today. Again the European Powers inspired the Somali mind in pursuing the scheme of “Greater Somalia”. Again, General Rodolfo Graziani was a strong supporter of what he called “La Grande Somalia”. General Graziani commander of southern front of Italian army, after occupying Addis Ababa in 1936, he sent a telegraphic message to his boss Benito Mussolini proposing the creation of united Somalia, (see the book entitled “Mussolini raped Ethiopia” and Grazian’s book “Il Fronti Sud”). Again on 6th June 1946 Ernst Bevin British Foreign Secretary proposed unification of Somali people, but his dream fell in vain. Hence sane person can see here the creation of the Somali state was a colonial work, not folk tale tellers lie. Too much inaccurate reports: You wrote General Mohamed Noor Galaal was deputy commander of General Mohamed Ali Samantar. This is not correct; General Abdalla Mohamed Fadil was deputy commander of General Samantar. Again you wrote General Samantar with his subordinate General Galaal killed in Jigjiga 82 officers. At the beginning of the 1977 war, General Galaal was commander of Dirirdhabe Front. Due to differences between Samantar and Galaal, the latter was sacked and immediately was appointed Minster of Housing and general service. General Samantar along with Colonel Osman Maye, chairman of the Military Tribunal, on 02/03/1978 at a place named ‘Buurta Garabcase’ outskirt of Jigjiga, ordered the execution of 84 military personnel of different ranks. Again after 10 days, top 15 officers (included: Ahmed Mohamed Anshuur ‘Habarjeclo’ & Yaasiin Noor Gurhan ‘Majeerteen’ & Abdi Farah Ali ‘Habargidir’ were executed in Hargeysa. Eye witness persons are still alive include General Mohamed Warsame Arre, the commander of Jigjiga Front, currently residing in London. That awful day I was in Hargeysa as civil-servant working northern region. (more details see, Sababihii Burburka Somaaliya pages 65-68) You wrote early February 1991 General M.F. Aideed raided and dislodged Colonel M. Omar Jees from Afgooye. This is not correct; in October 1990 (Aideed of USC, Abdirahman Tuur of SNM & Jees of SPM) signed a common military and political agreement in Mustahil, Ethiopia. After that agreement, USC split into 2 wings (USC Mujaahid under Aideed, and USC Manifesto under Bood/Mahdi). It was the USC militias under command of the Manifesto Group who attacked on 10/02/1991 Colonel Jees’s militias based in Afgooye, not Aideed. General Aideed never planned any sinister plan against Jees, because Jees was sincere ally and right hand of Aideed up-to last hour. Regarding Rahanweyn’s man-made disaster, unfortunately you wrote that Rahanweyn had massacred Daarood escaping from Mogadishu; this is contrary to what actually had happened and it is obvious that you were manipulated by your one-sided interviewees. Between April 1991 – April 1992, SNF militias loyal to Siyaad Barre harassed Rahanweyn civilians and conquered their regions and vandalised their harvested crops and inevitably disastrous famine ensued which resulted the death of thousands and thousands of civilians. John Drysdale in his book “whatever happened to Somalia page 43, underlined the cause of that disaster”. Why Daarood fled from Southern Somalia? It is an actual fact that a physician who treats his patients according to their symptoms without laboratory diagnoses is not good physician. You listed the current problems without tracing back the real root causes. You relied heavily on the testimony of selected persons whom you recognised as victims of civil war. All the responsibility of what happened is squarely on Siyaad Barre’s shoulders and his close colleagues on the top echelon of his tyrannical regime. His responsibility is evidenced by the following examples: v In early January 1991 Siyaad Barre assigned to his two son in-laws, General Morgan and General Dafle to arm voluntary Daarood civilians so as to defend his regime. Many Daaroods were armed and grouped in Wadajir Quarter as their head-quarter and they participated fiercely in the war between USC fighters and forces loyal to Siyaad Barre. It was Morgan/Dafle with the full orders from their father-in-law and Daarood dye-hard fighters who changed the nature of the conflict into civil war between two clans. v In April 1991 Siyaad Barre mobilised all Daarood forces in southern regions ‘military & civilians’ and planned to recapture Mogadishu. Forces loyal to Siyaad Barre wearing T-shirt with Siyaad’s picture and slogans chanting “Ruugcadaagii soo rogaalceli = the veteran fighters comeback victoriously” reached outskirt of Mogadishu. As a result heavy battle, code-named “Duufaanta Beeraha” on 07/04/91 took place. Victorious USC chanting “Ruugcadaagii raamsadaa helay = veteran’s forces were swallowed by dragons” drove out SPM/SNF militias from Lower Shabeele Region and overwhelmingly defeated the forces loyal to Siyaad. To mark this USC victory, a man by the name Geelle Faruur, USC supporter, composed this poem “Ruugcadaa isku sheegu soo rogaalcelintiisu ma raqdiisa Afgooye tukuhu hayska riftaa = the veteran warriors who dreamed to comeback, their corpses were eaten by scavengers in Afgooye” v Throughout 1992, forces loyal to Siyaad massacred Rahanweyn people; subsequently they marched towards the capital city with the plan to recapture it. They were stopped at 50 km west of Mogadishu. A big battle, code-named “Xadka iyo Xawaaraha” on 19/04/92 broke out. USC forces again drove out Siyaad’s forces up to Kenya border, as result Siyaad sought asylum in Kenya. Another USC sympathizer, by the name Tabantaabo said “Raggii isxambabooray xoog markii la muquushay, sowd xaduudka Wajeer xowli kuma dhaafin = when the aggressors were defeated by force, they escaped swiftly through Wajeer border”. The above three episode indicating that Darood fighters defended and fought for Siyaad Barre were a political mistake which led them, unfortunately, to end up in refugee camps in Kenya. Clan hostility never eased until Siyaad died in Lagos January 1995. Siyaad Barre will be remembered for being the root cause and creator of all disasters related to ‘yesterday’s disintegration, today’s crisis and tomorrow’s problem’ and his legacy will likely last for centuries. Sylvia Pankhurst who wrote “Ex-Italian Somaliland in 1951” when writing on 1936 Italian invasion of Ethiopia, owing to her ardent support of Ethiopian cause and antagonism towards the Italians, she was nicknamed “Ethiopian advocate”. Similarly your book sounds that you are advocate of certain Somali clan and against other clans. Furthermore, your book seems that there is personal animosity between you and late Halima Khalif Magool. Magool was a well-known singer who devoted all her life to the national cause. She will be remembered as fervent popular nationalist, with sweet voice, strong in her feeling against Abyssinian imperialism, which she displayed especially in 1977 Ogaaden war. Magool was the first female singer who sang beside with male singer on open concert platform stage and was courageous to say ‘man and woman are equal’. A woman hugging male colleague and singing shoulder to shoulder with him was a new phenomenon to Somali culture, thus the concert viewers thought what they were watching was unbelievable, and they chanted a famous slogan “Sida Halima Khaliif qalabada hayska qaadin = don’t be shameless like Halima Khaliif”. I would like to introduce to you another Somali female activist, well-known hero Mrs. Hawo Yarey Hawo Yarey was the first Somali female who run as a candidate in the general elections of 1969. She won the seat gaining landslide victory, in Ceelbuur district but male dominated society denied her deserved seat in the Parliament, (electoral fraud, see the Soviet Union in the Horn of Africa by Robert Patman page 97). May Allah have mercy both of them for championing women’s rights. “Hawo Yarey & Magool” were two feminist pioneers who endured long struggle so as to secure women rights. However without evidence of Magool’s image carrying gun or recorded voice, and accusing her only on hearsay, is extremely unfair to tarnish someone’s reputation and good image of someone who is regarded as national hero and it is against the ethics of writing. If you want to find an active female warlord betting civil war drums today there are plenty of them in Somalia. Usual humans have two eyes and two ears, please use both your eyes and ears, and also be fair and impartial. Please take a piece of paper and pen then write short article about notorious old woman like Halima Soofe who daily incites tribal hatred which could lead to a new civil war, please see below links: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5Dae00I_qtQ http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=iHymhALjfIo You praised whole heartily singer Saada Ali Warsame and believed boosting up rumours saying that Saada is brave singer who sang the famous “Land cruiser song” composed by Abdi Muhumud Amiin. It is true that in the troubled years of the 90s Saada was courageous and had sung anti regime songs, but she later changed her struggle to become tribal minded. Traditionally, Somalis are ardent supporters to their tribe rightly or wrongly, and Saada was one of them despite her fame, talent, & sweet voice. Saada unfortunately played her role in the civil war and supported her tribe particularly the battle of ‘Kalshaale’ between Dhulbahante and Habarjeclo tribes. Currently she composed new song “dhiigshiil hadhigan = don’t deposit your savings in Dahabshiil” in order to destroy Dahbshiil’s reputations as a Company, owned by Habarjeclo businessmen, please see the below link: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6hRxrPfbioA Her tireless efforts and her financial injection, through her own NGO “Gurmad”, in favour of her tribe, she secured a seat in the national parliament as a reward from her tribe, without contest. In the political dispute between Somaliland & Puntland, critics say that Saada always supports Puntland purely on tribal grounds. Instead of visiting her native town Las’anod she prefers to stay in Growe, because Las’anod is under administration of Somaliland. This reflects Saada’s true dual personality. Without deviating further from the main point, it seems that you are highly partisan in your writings about the clan competition in Somalia. Rumours circulating inside Somalia suggest that Ms Lidwien Kapteijns is roommate partner of a Somali man from Puntland regions and that all her writings are coached in bedroom as stereotype record. Since I am living in Mogadishu I can’t verify whether this rumour is true or fabricated. If these rumours turn out to be genuine story, then dear sister in-law, with all due respect, I request you to use, in the future, when writing, a room with full bright light and be fair among Somali clans, not ‘qaraabo waa qaar dambe = intimacy is affinity’. Kindly tell the truth even if it hurts your beloved ones.

An a prospective point view: The relationship between Eretria and Somalia

by:Abdikani Hussein In my opinion, this article you have written Abdul Sharif is very interesting, subtle and erudite. It’s a superb and ground-breaking. Not just a brilliant background relationship between Eretria and Somalia but a vital history for Eretria and Somalia. In my opinion Eretria has fought and won the 30 years’ war with Ethiopia and also made progress in the last twenty years. Eretria has stood against the imperial ideology and had made their country a self-sufficient and refused the hand out from the western countries. Eretria had survived against embargo economically which the United Nations and imperial empire claimed to be it was against “Gun Embargo”, but Eretria still stands without excepting help from the west. If you would like to learn more on Eretria look the agriculture sector, health institution, education system then you will understand how serious Eretria is and were their future is heading. Somalia and Eretria needs each other economically and geo-political reasons against the imperial regimes around the west, and Somalia need to learn from Eretria how it saved itself without the help of western countries. Finally, I would like to mention Dr. Bereket Selassie jointed the Eritrean Liberation Front as a freedom fighter and represented Peoples Liberation Front at the United Nation the Eritrean and also was the chair of Constitution Commission of Eritrea in 1994 Dr. Selassie himself said “I was frequently going in and out from the palace of Afweyne (Siyad Barre) and the bystanders outside the palace asked me, if I was the (Ina-layaal) which means in Somali a brother in-law? So in this case Somalia has helped Eretria in many ways and has contributed a lot in the people Liberation Front of Eretria and it also during the time of the Eritrean liberation, Somalia’s Dictator Said Barre supported the rebel groups who were fighting against the Ethiopian government. the Eritrean People's Liberation Front (EPLF).Barre's regime even further as far as letting EPLF members use Somali passports,& letting them station in Mogadishu. In conclusions, the Eritrean intellectual elite in Asmara today fifty percent are educated in Somalia and graduated from the Somali National University. The question is what did Eretria contributed to Somalia nation? And why Somalia's new government has not so far made any decision to start negotiations with Eritrea or to restore relations with Eritrea?

Diplomacy: Building the Partnership

Hassan H. Mire As Somalia moves to “sovereign nation-to-sovereign nation” status with the US as former Secretary Hillary Clinton remarked recently, we know that the “beginning of a new foundation [for Somalia]” is here, and it’s here to stay as the President of Somalia, Hassan Sheikh, said at his speech at Minneapolis Conventional Center. Somalia has entered a new-era, an era that will define its image as a sovereign State in the coming decades: An era that demands a new thinking of how Somalia conducts its foreign diplomacy abroad and at home. The world Somalia has just entered is a complex world, a modern world where the old formulas and models of conducting foreign policy is no longer an option. It’s an era that globalization and technology has exponentially increased global interdependence in both security and economics and that has involuntarily pushed nations to closely monitor each other’s intents. Somalia isn’t exempted in this calculus. To give you an example, last year when I visited Mogadishu, I was informed about a job, a well-paying position for someone in Somalia. I was told that I could be paid around $66, 000 a year, if I am willing to document and translate what Somali Media, Websites, and Facebookers say about Somalia’s current state including personal opinions, for people who had an interest of collecting information for intelligence purposes. This isn’t an unprecedented case; In fact, it’s a common practice for countries to closely watch each other’s public discourse for matter of self-interest, and this makes diplomacy more complicated matter. This multipolar world that Somalia has entered has capitals ruled by various men with contrasting interests who would scrutinize every door Somalia knocks, every bell it rings and ever papers it signs for their own selfish ends. If Somalia doesn’t diplomatically challenge these groups to secure its interests, it will always remain on the periphery. This reminds me the words of an old friend who said to me awhile back, “it’s smatter to bite the beehive than the bee,” in other words, don’t wake up the giant while you milk the cow. We live in constantly changing world that is too selfish and too sophisticated for our poor and tender nation to demand compliance from. However, by using what the political scientist, Joseph Nye, calls, “soft power” (the ability to get what you want without using coercion/smart diplomacy. In other words, “going-Chinese”), which is our only option, Somalia can achieve its objectives with non-lethal compromises here and there for the sake of a better future and peaceful co-existence with its neighbors and the world. Remember, as Western International Relations saying goes, there are no permanent enemies and nor permanent friends but rather permanent interests that every country pursues in international relations. This is what former Foreign Minister of Britain said to his government in 1822, “Britain shouldn’t consider the wishes of any other government, or the interests of any other people, except in so far as those wishes, those feelings and those interests may, or might, concur with the just interests of England.” This is still relevant today. In short, to get what Somalia wants, its politicians and diplomats have to comprehend the reality on the ground, and as equals with their counterparts, diplomatically strive protecting and advocating the interests of Somalia. The icing-on-the-cake: the recent recognition by the US government, in a nutshell, opens the doors for Somalia’s national government to seek more recognition and more international support from other sovereign States and international organizations including financial powerhouses and developmental agencies. It ends the dual track system that the US activated two years ago to reach its objectives inside Somalia. This dual-track policy allowed Puntland and Somaliland to bargain as equals with the Federal government. Nonetheless, how the new Somali government uses this opportunity depends upon the inventiveness and adaptability of its diplomats and the sort of foreign diplomacy it pursues. As practitioners of diplomacy often say, diplomacy means conducting relations between sovereign states and organizations, and the diplomats are the messengers, who in good faith, carry their nation’s foreign policy in far flung corners around the world promoting and guarding the interest of the nation’s citizens and government. Unfortunately, however, Somalia’s diplomats abroad mostly seem to be relieved from the character and the leadership that diplomats in the modern world are ascribed to. It wasn’t long ago that I read an article that accused a Somali ambassador of extracting bribes from Somali citizens. The same people whose rights he’s supposed to represent abroad. Equally important, when I visited Somalia’s embassy in Beijing, China, few occasions last year, I was welcomed by a young Chinese woman at the embassy who said she was the secretary of the ambassador. She was the sole worker at the embassy beside the ambassador as she told me -- China has the second largest GDP in the world, and it is the number one investor in Africa and has the potential and means to assist Somalia economically, but yet, we don’t consider the embassy there important! And why does a foreign national work at the embassy and have such access? Then, there is that infamous incident in Zambia; don’t mention the bribes that we Somalians have to pay when we seek for business documents and identity cards including passports from Somalia’s embassies abroad or the ridicule we face when we present to other embassies Somalian passports. The lack of sophistication and poor judgment of the country’s diplomats abroad and the government at home, as it appears, is present on those different accounts above. It is safe to assume that this is a uniform practice across Somalia’s embassies abroad. Still I would like to believe that these diplomats are, unfortunately, the unsuspected victims of an old diplomatic culture. The reason why this is common for Somalia’s diplomats abroad is that most lack the basic sine-qua-non of ambassadorship together with their staff because their appointment, as the story goes, wasn’t based on personal merit but family and personal ties (whom-you-know-politics). Of course, there are those diplomats who deserve praise for their service for the nation but regrettably, they are too few to count. So, what can Somali government do to change this pattern? Foreign diplomacy demands secrecy, savviness, and people that understand of global trends such as politics, economics, ideas and social issues that are taking place around the globe. Diplomacy necessitates people with the knowhow, creativity, and intuition to lead the cohort. It’s generally accepted that aspiring and potential diplomats (the ambassador and the rest) need to have academic background mostly in social sciences, humanities. They are generally well-traveled, bilinguals, or at least well versed in the language and the culture in their assigned country, have statesmen’s personality, psychologically stout, are sociable, and have the courage to do what it takes to serve their nation’s interests. As the late British diplomat, Lord Palmerston remarked, a diplomat might break all the commandments in the Decalogue except the eleventh, which was, “thou shalt not be found out!” Diplomats’ work is primarily to facilitate the diplomatic relationship between the nations, represent the citizens, and report general and sensitive information about the country he resides to his country. Most embassies these days have an economic liaison to help businesses, and technology experts to keep the NET info up-to-date and protect its networks from cyber-attacks. The government, with consideration of increasing technical and the intellectual demands of embassy operations, is understandably hard pressed to find qualified individuals for diplomatic missions as well as the resources to facilitate embassy operations abroad. Recruiting is a huge problem. However, there are young, talented, patriotic and educated Somalis in Somalia and abroad that could be recruited and trained for the inner workings of modern embassies. To address the recruiting problem, technology could be the answer. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MoFA) could set up a website for a recruiting purpose. The Web could help the MoFA attract a diverse pool of citizens across the world without spending much needed resources for recruiting. This could help the MoFA to change its medieval method of “who-you-know” for recruiting potential diplomats. Accountability, fairness and trust should start at the MoFA hiring offices to give the agency a new positive reputation in global level. Louis Halle, an American diplomat in the height of the cold war observed that foreign policy of any nation is formed not according to the reality on the ground but rather “in reaction to an image of the world in the minds of the people making” those foreign policy decisions. If your leaders are inept and stupid, my Allah have mercy on your diplomatic decisions. Diplomacy and our diplomats are Somalia’s silent warriors in a world where Somalia is mostly dependent on foreign goodwill and assistance. The third point I want to make is that every penny the government spends on its foreign relations counts, simply because Somalia doesn’t have the resources to have an embassy or a consulate everywhere even if Somali community lives there. Somalia has to be selective which nations and organizations it spends on her hard needed currency. To save few more shillings, MoFA should join embassies that are located in a close proximity with each other to save, to focus on prominent nations and missions, and to keep diplomatic missions in a manageable size. This government represents something fresh, something innocent of past diplomatic mistakes committed by former diplomats. These fresh diplomats that are representing Somalia overseas and the foreign policy their government pursues are as equally vital to winning the war against lawlessness and poverty in Somalia in this multipolar world. Indeed their decisions will have huge implications on how the world perceives the nation decades to come. As matter of fact, in December 2012, the United States National Intelligence Council (NIC) published its global guess saying in 2030, “no country – whether the US, China, or any other large country – will be a hegemonic power.” Thus, a smart foreign policy and honest, educated and clever diplomats are vital for Somalia’s success in international chambers to secure, protect, and advocate the nation’s interests abroad.