The Article of Times Writers Group: Innovation needs to continue in St. Cloud school district

Written by: Abdikani Hussein The article of Times Writers Group: Innovation needs to continue in St. Cloud school district written by Dick Andzenge is baseless on factors and evidence. Its focusing on one aspect of complex and it is ignoring the whole truth. Somali population in St. Cloud is growing rapidly and there is also cultural misunderstanding between their white Caucasian classmates in district 742. Somali students now make up about 10 percent of the student population in the St. Cloud Area School District 742 and their numbers have been quickly growing. The entire district has about 10,000 students. In addition its true Wars and political instability from Somalia and South Sudan have brought them to St. Cloud, MN which is unfortunately was not their place of choice. First, your opinion is prejudice by calling "they have never lived stable lives" and disrespecting the whole communities of Somalis and South Sudan. Secondly, you mentioned that "they brought to St. Cloud many traumatized refugees and their children." the question is have you examined the whole communities of Somalis and South Sudan’s scientifically , theoretically or clinically research for the purpose of understanding Refugee trauma or labeling the whole community as "they brought to St. Cloud many traumatized." Finally, you have claimed that "many of their parents are uneducated and not able help their children with school work." I am sure any parents who mastered at least two languages are not uneducated. Most of these parents who u labeled them uneducated are bilingual and educated. In my acknowledgement there could be a language barrier, and that does not make these parents uneducated or unworthy. The two key factors to understanding Somali settlement experiences in St. Cloud, MN are the limited human capital that they came with and their financial obligations to kin left behind. First, human capital and overall educational levels and language and other knowledge and skills. While Somalis who came to the U.S. prior to the collapse had higher educational levels, the majority of newcomers had good levels of formal schooling. The opportunities available to the majority of Somali youth to acquire formal education in a predominantly nomadic society were severely limited. But, most Somalis were educated through an English curriculum in the Northern parts of Somalia and another group that were educated either in Italian or Arabic in the South, formal educational institutions were Highly valued in Somalia. Somalia is a poetry nation and Somali language script was adopted in early 1970s and the expansion of educational opportunities to a larger segment of the population in towns and cities. Educational opportunities involved primary and secondary education in Somalia with highly post-secondary educational prospects. Consequently, even Somali refugees who had some post-secondary education in the home country came to the Western world with very limited English language and highly skilled in Math and Science. The Somali and South Sudan community deserves integrity, apology, respect and dignity from DR. Dick Andzenge.

French Resistance and the Algerian War

Decolonisation Empire Military Political Social Second World War 20th Century Africa Algeria France Martin Evans has tracked down and interviewed many of those who helped the Algerian FLN - and outlines here the links between the experience of resistance to the Nazis and the struggle against colonial rule. During the 1950s the Algerian struggle against France and its white settlers for independence inflamed passions and hatreds in both countries - while a small number of Frenchmen and women helped the Algerian liberation movement in defiance of their government and the sentiments of the majority. What made them do it? The French conquest of Algeria began in 1830. In 1848 Algeria was annexed as three French departments. During the nineteenth century there were two waves of French immigration: post 1848 and post 1881. At the same time Algerians were systematically pauperised. Traditional patterns of land ownership were dismantled and French settlers were allowed to buy or confiscate land. In 1954, French Algeria was a society rigidly polarised along racial lines, economically, politically and culturally. On the one side there were one million French settlers; on the other nine million Algerians. So from the outset the relationship between Algeria and France, French and Algerians, was a racist, colonial one, based on violence. Colonialism began with violence and it was ended by violence. The Algerian war started with the insurrection organised by the National Liberation Front (FLN), on November 1st, 1954, and lasted until 1962 when Algeria became independent. During those eight years one million Algerians died. In 1954 there were 200,000 Algerians living in France. Of those 150,000 were working, the majority in the building or steel industries. Slowly but surely the FLN began to organise Algerians in France. It was Algerians in France that were to finance the war. Through a well organised system of collectors, the FLN taxed every Algerian in France on a sliding scale – 500 old francs a month for students, 3,000 for workers, to 50,000 and upwards for shopkeepers. Getting this money out of France presented a major problem for the FLN. Any Algerian that was a courier would immediately arouse suspicion. This meant that the FLN looked for French people sympathetic to their cause who would give them practical support. At the same time a small minority of French people actively looked for contacts with the FLN. They saw working with the FLN as a legitimate way of expressing their anger at the Algerian war. What they were involved in was illegal, clandestine work, hiding FLN members, transporting money that the FLN received from Algerian workers, 'passing' Algerians across frontiers. Of the French people actively involved with the FLN the most famous are those associated with the Jeanson network. This had been set up by Francis Jeanson in 1957, Jeanson was an intellectual closely associated with Jean-Paul Sartre. During the late 1940s and early 1950s he had visited Algeria twice. Shocked by colonialism he contacted Algerian nationalists and on returning to France he wrote a number of articles warning of the explosive situation. In 1955 he co-authored a book fiercely attacking French policy in Algeria and highly sympathetic to the FLN. The Jeanson network became so notorious because of the arrests in February 1960 and the subsequent trial in September of the same year which received large media attention. But there were other networks elsewhere in France, in Marseille, Lyon and Lille. Apart from these networks there were French people that worked directly with the FLN. This actively brought together a wide range of people, often in the most unlikely combinations. One network operating in the Lyon/Macon area was made up of an anarchist, a Trotskyist and a Roman Catholic priest. What motivated a minority of French people to help the FLN through illegal activity? What events and experiences provoked the kind of defiance necessary to consider such activity? Why and how did people discover what their ideas were, where their sympathies lay, and how far they were prepared to go in their opposition to the Algerian war and support for the FLN? What values did they invoke to justify their action? What practical examples did they look towards to guide them? Between March and October of 1989 I conducted a series of interviews with former resisters. Through oral history I wanted to understand their motivations for resistance. I set out to recreate the atmosphere of the Algerian war to show the particular climate in which people made certain choices. What I wanted to emphasise were motives, feelings and consequences – surely all concerns of history. Inevitably in the time that has elapsed since the end of the war memories have been 'worked over'; but much less so than in other circumstances. Firstly many of the participants were young at the time, under thirty, and their memories have 'frozen' as a result. For many the Algerian war was their first major political involvement. They were highly committed and the events have remained intense, unique, deeply personal. The result is that the issues and motivations have not blurred with time. Secondly, unlike the Second World War resistance movement, the resistance to the Algerian war has never been legitimised. In the period after the Liberation, the ambiguities of the Occupation tended to be effaced and the phenomenon of resistance was placed within a simple historical continum, that of patriotic duty against the invader. Their action was no different to that of French people during the First World War. Thus the question of motivations for many Second World War resisters was a straightforward affair: 'I was patriotic against the Germans'. This has never been the case with the French resistance to Algerian war. Many remained in prison until 1964, two years after the end of hostilities. They were not given amnesty until 1966 and many found it difficult to reintegrate into French society. During the Algerian war the resisters' activity was seen as 'abnormal' behaviour, it marked them out as traitors, rebels, outsiders in the eyes of French society. And, despite the time that has elapsed, even now a large number of French people would be reluctant to endorse what they did. For the right they were traitors; for the established left they were irresponsible, adventurists. The Communist Party might have taken a clear position against the war but it never condoned illegal action. Any member found to be working with the FLN was immediately excluded. Prejudice and hostility continues to exist, something accentuated by the re-emergence of extreme right- wing racism during the 1980s. In siding with the FLN in such a way they crossed too many taboos. This means that their action has never been accepted within the dominant culture in the way that Second World War resistance was. Because of the transgressive nature of their activity the question of motivations, why they did what they did, has, I feel, always remained an issue. Testament to this was the fact that during oral transmission the sharpness of accusations and feelings about torture, the Battle of Algiers, had not diminished with time. All retained a clear idea of the path they had travelled, the taboos they had crossed, in arriving at illegal activity. A sense of personal development and personal change was very strong. 'In 1954 I was like that – by 1962 I was like that' many told me. A lot of the life stories involved painful ruptures with their families. Jean-Louis Hurst deserted from the French army in 1958 because he did not want to fight in Algeria. He has not spoken to his father since. Indeed his father, a Second World War veteran, even offered to go and fight in his place. Anne Preiss was a member of the Lyon network. She managed to leave France before she was arrested. In 1961 she was condemned to ten years in prison in her absence. Her parents were deeply shocked. Even now the subject is a difficult one. Across the oral testimonies I found that a sense of the Second World War resistance to Nazism was a vital reference point. The way that interviewees remembered the Second World War was central in explaining their motivations for resistance to the Algerian war. What position then, did 'resistance' hold in post-1945 French culture? How did those who worked with the FLN appropriate the word 'resistance' and invest it with their own meaning in the context of the Algerian war? In post-Second World War France 'resistance' was a powerful word and it is not surprising when we consider how much it stood for in the experience of France after the Occupation. Resistance and a whole cluster of words associated with it, like occupation, liberation, maquis, torture, deportation, immediately conjured up images of unforgettable clarity that were seen to evoke something pro- found about French identity. Powerful feelings and images gathered around these words testifying to the intensity of the Nazi occupation. In post-1945 France these words came together to build a picture of resistance which had great emotional force. The resistance came to be enshrined in monuments, ceremonies, books, films, popular comics and associations of former resisters. Each political party tried to appropriate the spirit of 'resistance', creating its own memory of the Second World War. Gaullists emphasised the Cross of Lorraine and the role of de Gaulle as the pioneer of resistance; the Communist Party presented itself as the party of martyrs because of the huge number of Communists that had been shot or deported by the Nazis. The issue of resistance continued to occupy centre stage under the Fourth Republic. There was the argument over the re-arming of West Germany in the early 1950s. Both de Gaulle and the Communist Party were against it. To re-arm Germany would be to betray the memories of the victims of Nazism, this was the position of the Communist Party. In January and February 1953 the leaders of the SS division, Das Reich, which was responsible for the massacre of over 600 French people at Oradour-sur-Glane in June 1944, were put on trial in Bordeaux. In an opinion poll in July 1954, 85 per cent of French people said that Nazi atrocities had not been exaggerated, 61 per cent feared the reopening of concentration camps, and 45 per cent preferred a Germany that was weak and divided. Resistance meant many things to many people. In post-1945 France a number of images of the Resistance co-existed unevenly. There was the image of the Resistance as a regular army; then the image of the Resistance as an irregular, transgressive force, involving illegal, subversive activity. In my opinion, in post-Second World War France, this illegal, transgressive side of resistance was down-played, consciously effaced even. This 'normalisation' process began at the Liberation when partisan troops were sent into the regular French army. In bringing maverick partisan troops under the control of career officers the autonomous action and culture which had marked so much of the resistance experience was eclipsed. What was constructed was a unified view of resistance where the interior resistance was more akin to a regular army, closely identified with de Gaulle, and fighting for an uncomplicated, patriotic image of France. Such a view was highly gendered. Emphasis was placed on armed combat, something traditionally associated with men. This image fitted in with the prevailing notions of warfare and meant that recognition was denied other forms of participation. It defined resistance in terms of national characteristics. On the one side were the Germans, brutal and barbaric; then on the other the French, courageous and heroic, the defenders of liberty. Nevertheless there were a disparate range of public versions of the Resistance. Moving from the public to the personal, how do the interviewees re- member the Occupation? – and how has this memory of the Occupation structured their response to the Algerian war? All interviewees talked about the Occupation as a highly formative experience. Paule Bolo was born in 1929. In 1944 she was fifteen. During the Occupation she was in the Dauphine: The Occupation was very hard. At the Liberation not everything was good. We saw people claim to be resisters when we knew perfectly well that they were not. So you see my generation saw too many things not to have a need for a set of moral standards, a value system if you like. Myself, I had this need because of the violence of the Occupation. The problem of moral choices was omnipresent. The hunger confronted you with a concrete reality. For example my sister became anorexic because the food was so bad. It was difficult because she wanted to give me the bread she did not want. It was fundamental things, simple things like that which changed you. What values? Certainly liberty, equality and fraternity – these words still move me. Myself I lived through Vichy when they wanted to take away these words from us. Myself, I heard family, homeland, work. In 1940 the Vichy regirne replaced liberty, equality, fraternity, the slogans of the French Revolution, with family, homeland and work. In 1953 Paule Bolo had a baby. This was an important moment in her life. She decided she had to change the world she was bringing this baby into. So she decided to join the Communist Party. Why? Because for her the Communist Party was the party of the Resistance. Claudie Duhamel was born in 1937. She was seven in 1944: During the Occupation I was in the south of France, in the Pau region, with my brother and sister living with a guardian. This was because we had been cut off from my mother and father during the German invasion in 1940. Our guardian she was in the Resistance. I remember when the local dentist was arrested. Our guardian told us that the dentist had been arrested and tortured by the Gestapo. I memorised what she told us so well that I often recounted what had happened as if I had actually seen it. It was the invention of memories. I could not have seen it. Jean Berthet was born in 1921. In 1944 he was twenty-three. He was born in Saigon in Indochina into an ultra-bourgeois family. A resister during the Second World War, he was put in a camp just north of Paris. With the Allied landings in June 1944 the Nazis decided to move all the prisoners from this camp to concentration camps in Germany: I was put on the last train to Buchenwald. The Red Cross distributed parcels of food – bread, sliced sausage, salted things. Intuitively I thought – 'I won't eat because it will make me thirsty'. I am not sure how many days the journey lasted. Not a drop of water. Many people died. Some people began to drink their own urine. Others went completely mad. Myself I was practically in a coma when we arrived. Buchenwald was a remarkable experience for me. When I was arrested I still believed that the best people were the people from my social class and that other people were of no interest. In Buchenwald everybody was on the same social level – everybody was cold and hungry – had the same clothes – total equality. I noticed how people reacted differently. There was an incredible mix of people and I noticed that people of supposedly superior quality were the most egotistical, the most selfish, while those from the common people showed themselves to be extraordinary – dividing their Red Cross parcels and the like. So I learnt not to judge people by their manners. Bourgeois and Christian values had no relation to the day to day realities that I was living through. It is in dramatic situations that people truly show themselves. It was the people from the lower social classes who showed themselves to be exceptional... The deportation opened my eyes about human values. On returning to France I began to think about the experience I had been through with the Resistance and Buchenwald. I realised that at the beginning I had resisted for patriotic, nationalist reasons – but now I said to myself that I had in fact not resisted for France but because I was against oppression. I now began to see resistance differently. Above all it was the struggle against oppression, against humiliation, that was what the Resistance was about. Aline Charby was born in French Algeria in 1930 into a rich colonial family. She remembers the colonial milieu as an authoritarian, closed world. After the fall of France in 1940 all her family were fervent supporters of Marshal Petain. Gradually she began to rebel against these values culminating in her decision to go and live in Paris in 1951. There her life was transformed when she saw Night and Fog, a film about the concentration camps. From then on she began to make connections between Nazism and colonialism: I saw Night and Fog when it came out in 1953. I was completely washed out after seeing it. I saw it several times... It was a revelation for me about Nazism. It was a great shock. At the time I made the link between those around me who had supported Petain and those who had supported Hitler. Aline Charby saw the Algerian struggle against colonialism in terms of the French Resistance. The colonial mentality was a continuation of collaboration and to be done away with. This explains why she joined the Jeanson network in 1958. The Algerian war, with the nature of the fighting, a regular army against a guerrilla one, triggered off a whole series of associations with Second World War resistance. Memories of occupation came alive again and were thrust into the present. Pierre Deeschemaeker was a Catholic priest in Lille in the north of France. In 1955 he was sent to Algeria by the Church. On August 20th, 1955, he was in the Constantine region where the situation was tense and there was a lot of fighting. At midday I heard fighting. In the evening I saw the body of an Algerian which had been left in the street by the French army. This immediately reminded me of the Occupation even if I had not seen such atrocities myself. I was deeply shocked to see that the body was still there four or five hours after the fighting. The normal human reaction would have been to take the body away. It was obvious that it had been left there to inspire fear and terror in the Algerian population. As a young boy during the Occupation, Georges Mattei lived with his uncle in Burgundy. His uncle was in the Communist Resistance. For Mattei the Occupation left many vivid images, Nazis burning villages, his uncle being forced into hiding. In 1956 he was recalled to fight in Algeria. On the train to Marseille he kept pulling the brake cord and shouting 'Shoot Mollet', the prime minister. His action was noticed by his superiors and he was sent to Kabylia with the parachutists, the area where the fighting was the toughest: You have to remember that I am Corsican and that there is a physical resemblance between people from Kabylia and Corsica. One day my unit was sent to a village. We put the older people, women and children on one side, then the young men on the other whom we started to interrogate about the FLN. I was put on guard duty on the outskirts of the village with two other soldiers. Suddenly in the distance I saw an old man walking to- wards us, and you know in appearance he was just like my grandad. The other two soldiers were immediately aggressive with him – but I stepped in and asked him what he wanted. He told me he was worried about his son. He had heard that he had been picked up by the French army and he had some bread and cakes for him. 'He is about your age' he told me. I went away to see if we were still holding his son. After about twenty minutes I realised that we had taken him away that morning and shot him... I felt like a Nazi. Jean-Marie Boeglin organised the Lyon network. As a young boy he was involved in a Resistance network in the north of France. In 1944 and 1945 he fought in the French army. At the end of the war he was deeply shocked by the discovery of the concentration camps. During the Algerian war when the first books about torture appeared he made the comparison with the concentration camps: I was not astonished by books like Pierre-Henri Simon's Against Torture. They confirmed me in my convictions, but it is always terrifying to find your premonitions confirmed. I had the impression that it was like after the discovery of the concentration camps when people talked to people who lived nearby and they said they knew nothing about it. It was the same thing with Algeria – those books could only touch people who knew already. Madeleine Baudoin was a resister during the Second World War, decorated for bravery. She was recruited into the Marseille network helping the FLN in May 1960. When I asked her if she had any qualms about the tactics of the FLN, bombing attacks and assassinations, she replied: I was in agreement with such tactics. During the Second World War I had been a terrorist. Terrorism, that is terrorising the occupier, is very effective. In February 1960 a number of members of the Jeanson network were arrested. In September 1960 they were put on trial. The Manifesto of the 121, signed by leading intellectuals like Jean-Paul Sartre, declared solidarity with their action. It made explicit comparisons between the resistance to the Algerian war and the resistance to Nazism: The question of conscience was raised as soon as the war began. As the war drags on, it is normal that the question of conscience should be resolved concretely by an increasing number of acts of insubordination and desertion, as well as protection and help for the Algerian fighters. Freedom movements have grown outside the framework of any official parties, without their help and, finally, in spite of their disavowal. Once again, independently of any pre-existing groups or slogans, a resistance movement is born, by a spontaneous awakening; a movement that improvises its actions and methods in accordance with a new situation, the real meaning and demands of which the political groups and opinionated newspapers have tacitly agreed to ignore, either from apathy or doctrinal timidity or from nationalistic or moral prejudice. What both those people involved with the FLN, and the manifesto were drawing upon was a subversive, transgressive, highly illegal idea of the resistance, something, as I said, which had been effaced out at the Liberation. As under the Occupation a resistance movement had been painfully created through independent, grass-roots activity. Here the resistance was not presented as a uniquely French experience. Instead it was seen as universal, representing the struggle against oppression and humiliation. But it would be wrong to see a simple extension from resistance to Nazism, to directly helping the FLN. The historical context of the Algerian war was radically different from that of the Nazi occupation. In the way that it organised Algerian immigration on the French mainland the FLN took the war to the coloniser. This makes it, I think, a unique historical example. Within France itself the FLN built an alternative way of life, a society within a society, a society at war with the French government. In actively working with this society within a society, French people created a language of anti-colonialism. This language drew on the Resistance example, but also intersected with other discourses, discourses emanating from the Third World, and defined itself over and against what was seen as the paternalism of the established French left, to produce a distinctive anti-colonial perspective. Claude Bourdet was a prominent Second World War resister. Deported to Buchenwald he was made a Companion of the Liberation. In the post-war period he was involved with the new left trying to find a third way between Stalinism and social democracy. As a journalist he campaigned against the Algerian war. He wrote the first articles denouncing torture in Algeria. Reflecting back on the Algerian war he emphasises how the links between resistance to Nazism and resistance to the Algerian war were far from automatic ones: The people of the left of my generation did not perceive the colonial problem. I spent all my years in the Resistance without thinking for one second about the emancipation of the colonies. The idea that they could aspire to anything but being French did not occur to me. To understand this mystification I think that you have to go back to the French Revolution. The people of 1793 wanted to create a society where all citizens would be free and enjoy equal rights. The abolition of slavery seemed to confer a certain reality on this grand design. Myths like these came to be seen as truths and for 150 years French people learnt about the civilising role that France had in the world. The left, from the leaders to the rank and file, was saturated in this ideology, an ideology that was paternalist. In 1945 there was a consensus right across the political spectrum in favour of the French Empire, even if it was recognised that a new kind of association would have to be developed between France and her possessions. During the Second World War the de- fence of the integrity of the empire had been an essential element in the Gaullist ideology. The Socialist party wanted to emancipate the colonies from the abuses of colonialism, but was opposed to the nationalist movements. This emancipation, it was argued, could only be attained through an ever closer unity with a democratic and socialist France. Meanwhile the Communist Party abandoned its anti-colonialism of the pre-1956 and 1939-41 periods. Like de Gaulle, it regarded the preservation of the empire as crucial to France's standing in the post-war world. By 1960 a movement in France had been created which had anti-colonialism as its starting point. What was emphasised was the continuity between resistance to Nazism and resistance to colonialism. However illegal, resistance to the Algerian war was al- ways a minority phenomenon. We are talking about 1,000 people, 4,000 at the most. Why? Why was it such a minority phenomenon? If the connections between the Second World War resistance and the resistance to colonialism were so obvious for them, why were they not for many more people? The answers to these questions involve consideration of the language of the majority and the strength of other influences such as colonialism, racism, patriotism and nationalism, and the belief in the civilising mission of France.

Somalia: Time to catch up with the rest of Africa

Somalia: Time to catch up with the rest of Africa by Bashir Goth Friday, March 15, 2013.In its issue, 2nd -8th March 2013, The Economist magazine drew a rosy picture of Africa in a 14-page special report of what it described as “the world’s fastest growing continent,” with a cover page title “Aspiring Africa”, featuring the picture of a giraffe with an exaggeratedly long neck scanning the far horizon. This is the second time in a little over a year that The Economist hits such a high note on the rising economic role of Africa. In December 2011, the magazine’s cover carried an illustration of a boy flying a rainbow-colored kite made in the shape of the continent, with the title “Africa rising.” More than a decade ago, however and exactly in May 2000, the magazine branded Africa as “the hopeless continent,” above a cover image of a militia man holding a weapon cropped in the shape of the map of the continent. One of the articles in the latter issue painted a picture of a continent ravaged by war, famine and disease. In the 2013 issue, the magazine portrayed a continent witnessing a fast growing economy with a GDP expected to grow by an average of 6% a year in the next decade. It highlighted that while a decade ago only three countries out of 53 had democracies, the number has risen to 25 since then and only four (Eritrea, Swaziland, Libya and Somalia) out of its current 55 countries are lacking a multi-party constitution, noting that even the last two (Libya and Somalia) would soon get one. Among other things, the magazine cited the reduction of violence and the return of peace and stability as the main cause for the economic, political and cultural awakening of Africa. It was heartwarming to see Somaliland included in the magazine’s political map of emerging African democracies, but what was even more delightful was to see Somalia described as a place where “building sites now outnumber bomb sites.” Why I quoted The Economist? Because since the Magazine’s “hopeless continent” issue in 2000, most of the continent’s perennial hotspots on which the magazine based its negative attitude have made tremendous political and economic improvements after their civil wars came to an end. Conflicts died out in countries like Angola, Liberia, Cote d’Ivoire, Sierra Leone and others. It is only Somalia that still stands out as the ugly duckling and waits to join its swan sisters in their flight from war and poverty to prosperity, good governance and respect for the rule of law. However, with the removal of the plague of Al Shabab from the major cities and the establishment of the new Somali Federal government, Somalia seems to be moving towards the right direction. Mogadishu is bustling with construction, business and cultural activities, people are sunbathing on the beaches, women are once again driving and enjoying their freedom and the diaspora Somalis are flocking back to the country bringing with them investments and badly needed entrepreneurship and professional expertise and one hopes not with the intention of looting and running back to their foreign safe havens. The international community is also doing its part to ensure that the baby steps being the taken by new Somali government towards recovery develop into a steady and vigorous walk. The US recognition of the new government was a warm welcome and a curtain raiser for the huge enthusiasm the world has for the Somali people to lift their country from the internecine fratricide war and economic deprivation and to contribute to the world’s peace and stability instead of being a source of terrorism and piracy. The partial lifting of the arms embargo is a “vote of confidence” as pointed out by the Argentinean Ambassador to the UN and a small measure to help Somalia to move away from the international trusteeship and regain its sovereignty as stated by the British Ambassador to the UN. The question is, are we as Somalis, ready to seize the moment? Are we willing to put our tribal sentiments aside and help the government to achieve its goals in improving the country’s security and justice system? Are we willing to put the building of our nationhood before erecting fences between our clans? Are we willing to work together to rid ourselves of the curse of piracy and terrorism and show the world our acumen for entrepreneurship and innovation? Are we ready to safeguard our country from being an easy prey to foreign greed, our seas to be the permanent dumping ground for world waste, our natural wealth usurped by unscrupulous corporations, our whole country swallowed by neighboring countries and our existence wiped out from the world map? Well, if you think my concern is just an absurdly alarmist call for a fictional doom’s day, think again. We have already seen the abyss and we know what it looks like to be without a country, without dignity, without pride and to be roving, begging refugees on whose face every door is closed, whose identity is suspected at every airport, whose name is mocked as a symbol of lawlessness, failure and violence. It is enough that the term Somalization has become a fearful and notorious word for political failure and endless fragmentation of any country in the 21st century political lexicon. There is no doubt that the road to recovery is long and strenuous. And naturally people would be eager to see quick improvements in their livelihoods, security and the establishment of the rule of law, but it is also true that despite the best of intentions, the government will surely sometimes falter in its efforts deal with the monumental problems it faces and due to its chronic lack of capacity and resources. The most vital contribution we can make to help the government to achieve some of its goals is to be patient and tolerant with it. It has already achieved a lot in the short time that it has been in power. The government has already made remarkable gains in its foreign policy. In less than six months it got international recognition, partial lifting of the arms embargo, attracting some foreign investments and improving the security of the areas liberated from Al Shabab. On the domestic front, the government has removed dozens of the notorious check points where bandits and clan militias used to rob people from their hard earned meager incomes. This is not a mean feat for a government that faces the task of cleaning up the physical mess and mental scars left by more than 20 years of war and mayhem. This doesn’t mean that we have to give carte blanche to the government and overlook its wrong doings and shortcomings. On the contrary, we have to be vigilant to keep an eye on the government’s dealings to ensure that the government is accountable to the people and that power and resources are distributed as fairly as possible and justice is delivered where it is due. Apart from reinforcing security and defeating the remnants of Al Shabab, the other urgent priority for the government should be to establish an independent justice system that could and should immediately start a process of documenting all crimes committed against the people over the last 20 years. Justice should be where the healing of the Somali people starts and where the government should put all its power to deliver it. Criminals who held the nation hostage for 20 years and more should not be allowed to get away with their crimes. Warlords, rapists, looters who robbed food from refugee children, Al Shabab and extremist hypocrites who tortured the Somali people in the name of Islam and caused immense mental and physical agony to them should face their victims in court. This is the hour for patriotism, if we have an iota of patriotism remaining in any of us; the hour that we have to look each other in the eyes and take responsibility for what we did to our country; the hour that each and every Somali should think what she or he can do for our country and not for our clans; the hour that we should all realize that no single clan can stand alone and it is only through the overall prosperity and wellbeing of our country that all clans can prosper; the hour that we have to collectively say: Yes, it is time we have to catch up with the rest of Africa.

An open letter to Professor Kapteijns: A rejoinder

by Abdulkadir Osman “Aroma” Thursday, March 28, 2013 Recently I have read and gave cursory look at your book entitled “Clan cleansing in Somalia”, published 2013. As you said you had travelled and visited places like: Addis Ababa, Jigjig, Djibouti, Yemen, Nairobi, Netherlands as well as Rome & London, but never travelled to Somalia. Really you have done extensive research, an important and valuable work. Your book will be part of Somali history good or bad, true or untrue, biased or fair, partial or impartial. As writer who likes history books as well as literature and arts, I appreciated some parts of your book, but disagreed on some inaccurate reports reflected in it. It is common habit for a singer, or poet, writer or artist to follow in the footsteps of his favourite fellow. It seems that you have followed as role model ‘I.M.Lewis’ who wrote several books about Somalia, but many Somalis dislike his distorted books and they nicknamed him “clan spokesman or pay as you go cell phone scholar”. Whether you did it deliberately or just because of poor knowledge of the root causes of Somalia debacle, you seem to saying little about the mentioning in your writing about the worst disasters that have ever happened in Somalia. This serious flaw makes your book incomplete. The below enumerated disasters are well-documented to be ignored: v The military campaign against Isaaq 1988-90 was the worst brutal act of genocide. v The Man-made famine with the massacre against Rahanweyn civilians 1991-92 was the second brutal act of genocide. v Unarmed minorities (Banaadiri, Jareer & Galgalo) were victims of major clan confrontations and suffered substantial loss of lives and properties. v The internecine warfare between USC-Aideed and USC-Mahdi 1991-92 was another disaster which affected the entire inhabitants of Banaadir Region. v The occupation of Ethiopian troops which inflicted incalculable huge damage to Southern Regions 2007/9. v The on-going Shabaab atrocities 2009-13 which caused chaos and instability in Southern Somalia is another disaster. In the 308 pages of your detailed book, you have dedicated less than twenty pages to these six worst disasters that ever happened in Somali soil, whilst you emphasised in more than 200 pages what you called “Clan Cleansing against Daarood”. In covering the above six catastrophe, you narrated them like cameraman reporting tiger chasing gazelle in animal zoo, not as human tragedy. If you had in mind those who fled the civil war 1991-92, it is natural that every war causes refuges, for instance defeated groups and minorities fled from their homes and that is sort of clan cleansing. It seems that, over 80% of the bibliographies and individuals who are your primary source of information or supported your research, are from one Somali clan whilst you ignored other clans, who may be useful for your research. This should be a clear indication of your biased work and lack of objectivity on your part. As I understand from your book you obtained most oral accounts related to the Manifesto Group from General Abdullahi Hoolif, but you never contacted Dr Ahmed Darman (former Ambassador to China, not Iran) who was one of the senior founders of the movement who had lived in Virginia before he passed away in December 2012. You referred to many books written by one particular Somali clannish persons, but ignoring other books written by other Somali clans, like: “Gelbiskii Geerida” written by General Ahmed Jilicow, with long experience in Intelligence Service. Myself I wrote 5 books printed in Malaysia (Sababihii Burburka Somaaliya, Tiirka Colaadda, Hadimadii Gumeysiga, Sooyaal Somaaliya & Taangiga Tigreega. Please visit www.gargaartrust.com) all available in every continent and in every major library. In North America, interested readers can buy at Somali shops in Minnesota, Washington-Seattle, Virginia, North Caroline, Toronto & Ottawa. You highlighted a fabricated story ‘Daarood dominated other clans for one century’. In the line of Somali history no clan ever dominated other clans and also Somali clans never had central administration or powerful kingdom like Buganda of Uganda or Axum Empire of Ethiopia. Historically, every tribe was independent from each other and had their own mini state. Ugaas acted as head of state; nabaddoons acted as ministers, youth acted as military and women acted as production and child teaching institution for posterity. Ralph Brockman the author of “The British Somaliland” published by Hurst & Blacket 1912 in London, said “Somalis are independent by nurture and everyone is his own sultan”. Late 19th century from North to South, 13 tribal chiefs signed protectorate agreement with British and Italian colonial officers, see ‘Tiirka Colaadda’ page 18. There was no clan dominance, but from 1950s betrayal, tribalism, nepotism, corruption & maladministration was unleashed by the successive administrations. All these malpractices have generated the collapse of Somali State. Among Somali community there are irrational persons who suffer from severe clan schizophrenia and are specialist in how to sell to foreigners their clan legends. They claim shamefully their clan enjoys God-given leadership, that they are former rulers, freedom fighters and founders of Somali state. This is plain clannish lie contrary to Somali culture as well as the reality on the ground and Somali history in the archives of colonial era. After the First World War, the European Colonial Powers adopted new policy in Somalia which led to two contrasting results: “disadvantage & advantage”. Looking from the disadvantage angle, they dismembered homogeneous Somali people into five portions. The advantage was that, they introduced a system of unitary government. For example, Governor De Vecchi, who ruled Southern Somalia for 5 years, arrested all notorious local Chiefs ‘similar to today’s warlords’ and set up the first central administration with capital city Mogadishu. From this evidence, I belief that Governor De Vecchi was father and founder of the Somali State, “see his book “Orizzanti d’ Impero, Cinque Anni in Somalia”. Similarly, Sir Geoffrey Archer, Governor of British Protectorate of Somaliland crashed the Dervish movement and arrested arrogant chiefs and created what is called Somaliland today. Again the European Powers inspired the Somali mind in pursuing the scheme of “Greater Somalia”. Again, General Rodolfo Graziani was a strong supporter of what he called “La Grande Somalia”. General Graziani commander of southern front of Italian army, after occupying Addis Ababa in 1936, he sent a telegraphic message to his boss Benito Mussolini proposing the creation of united Somalia, (see the book entitled “Mussolini raped Ethiopia” and Grazian’s book “Il Fronti Sud”). Again on 6th June 1946 Ernst Bevin British Foreign Secretary proposed unification of Somali people, but his dream fell in vain. Hence sane person can see here the creation of the Somali state was a colonial work, not folk tale tellers lie. Too much inaccurate reports: You wrote General Mohamed Noor Galaal was deputy commander of General Mohamed Ali Samantar. This is not correct; General Abdalla Mohamed Fadil was deputy commander of General Samantar. Again you wrote General Samantar with his subordinate General Galaal killed in Jigjiga 82 officers. At the beginning of the 1977 war, General Galaal was commander of Dirirdhabe Front. Due to differences between Samantar and Galaal, the latter was sacked and immediately was appointed Minster of Housing and general service. General Samantar along with Colonel Osman Maye, chairman of the Military Tribunal, on 02/03/1978 at a place named ‘Buurta Garabcase’ outskirt of Jigjiga, ordered the execution of 84 military personnel of different ranks. Again after 10 days, top 15 officers (included: Ahmed Mohamed Anshuur ‘Habarjeclo’ & Yaasiin Noor Gurhan ‘Majeerteen’ & Abdi Farah Ali ‘Habargidir’ were executed in Hargeysa. Eye witness persons are still alive include General Mohamed Warsame Arre, the commander of Jigjiga Front, currently residing in London. That awful day I was in Hargeysa as civil-servant working northern region. (more details see, Sababihii Burburka Somaaliya pages 65-68) You wrote early February 1991 General M.F. Aideed raided and dislodged Colonel M. Omar Jees from Afgooye. This is not correct; in October 1990 (Aideed of USC, Abdirahman Tuur of SNM & Jees of SPM) signed a common military and political agreement in Mustahil, Ethiopia. After that agreement, USC split into 2 wings (USC Mujaahid under Aideed, and USC Manifesto under Bood/Mahdi). It was the USC militias under command of the Manifesto Group who attacked on 10/02/1991 Colonel Jees’s militias based in Afgooye, not Aideed. General Aideed never planned any sinister plan against Jees, because Jees was sincere ally and right hand of Aideed up-to last hour. Regarding Rahanweyn’s man-made disaster, unfortunately you wrote that Rahanweyn had massacred Daarood escaping from Mogadishu; this is contrary to what actually had happened and it is obvious that you were manipulated by your one-sided interviewees. Between April 1991 – April 1992, SNF militias loyal to Siyaad Barre harassed Rahanweyn civilians and conquered their regions and vandalised their harvested crops and inevitably disastrous famine ensued which resulted the death of thousands and thousands of civilians. John Drysdale in his book “whatever happened to Somalia page 43, underlined the cause of that disaster”. Why Daarood fled from Southern Somalia? It is an actual fact that a physician who treats his patients according to their symptoms without laboratory diagnoses is not good physician. You listed the current problems without tracing back the real root causes. You relied heavily on the testimony of selected persons whom you recognised as victims of civil war. All the responsibility of what happened is squarely on Siyaad Barre’s shoulders and his close colleagues on the top echelon of his tyrannical regime. His responsibility is evidenced by the following examples: v In early January 1991 Siyaad Barre assigned to his two son in-laws, General Morgan and General Dafle to arm voluntary Daarood civilians so as to defend his regime. Many Daaroods were armed and grouped in Wadajir Quarter as their head-quarter and they participated fiercely in the war between USC fighters and forces loyal to Siyaad Barre. It was Morgan/Dafle with the full orders from their father-in-law and Daarood dye-hard fighters who changed the nature of the conflict into civil war between two clans. v In April 1991 Siyaad Barre mobilised all Daarood forces in southern regions ‘military & civilians’ and planned to recapture Mogadishu. Forces loyal to Siyaad Barre wearing T-shirt with Siyaad’s picture and slogans chanting “Ruugcadaagii soo rogaalceli = the veteran fighters comeback victoriously” reached outskirt of Mogadishu. As a result heavy battle, code-named “Duufaanta Beeraha” on 07/04/91 took place. Victorious USC chanting “Ruugcadaagii raamsadaa helay = veteran’s forces were swallowed by dragons” drove out SPM/SNF militias from Lower Shabeele Region and overwhelmingly defeated the forces loyal to Siyaad. To mark this USC victory, a man by the name Geelle Faruur, USC supporter, composed this poem “Ruugcadaa isku sheegu soo rogaalcelintiisu ma raqdiisa Afgooye tukuhu hayska riftaa = the veteran warriors who dreamed to comeback, their corpses were eaten by scavengers in Afgooye” v Throughout 1992, forces loyal to Siyaad massacred Rahanweyn people; subsequently they marched towards the capital city with the plan to recapture it. They were stopped at 50 km west of Mogadishu. A big battle, code-named “Xadka iyo Xawaaraha” on 19/04/92 broke out. USC forces again drove out Siyaad’s forces up to Kenya border, as result Siyaad sought asylum in Kenya. Another USC sympathizer, by the name Tabantaabo said “Raggii isxambabooray xoog markii la muquushay, sowd xaduudka Wajeer xowli kuma dhaafin = when the aggressors were defeated by force, they escaped swiftly through Wajeer border”. The above three episode indicating that Darood fighters defended and fought for Siyaad Barre were a political mistake which led them, unfortunately, to end up in refugee camps in Kenya. Clan hostility never eased until Siyaad died in Lagos January 1995. Siyaad Barre will be remembered for being the root cause and creator of all disasters related to ‘yesterday’s disintegration, today’s crisis and tomorrow’s problem’ and his legacy will likely last for centuries. Sylvia Pankhurst who wrote “Ex-Italian Somaliland in 1951” when writing on 1936 Italian invasion of Ethiopia, owing to her ardent support of Ethiopian cause and antagonism towards the Italians, she was nicknamed “Ethiopian advocate”. Similarly your book sounds that you are advocate of certain Somali clan and against other clans. Furthermore, your book seems that there is personal animosity between you and late Halima Khalif Magool. Magool was a well-known singer who devoted all her life to the national cause. She will be remembered as fervent popular nationalist, with sweet voice, strong in her feeling against Abyssinian imperialism, which she displayed especially in 1977 Ogaaden war. Magool was the first female singer who sang beside with male singer on open concert platform stage and was courageous to say ‘man and woman are equal’. A woman hugging male colleague and singing shoulder to shoulder with him was a new phenomenon to Somali culture, thus the concert viewers thought what they were watching was unbelievable, and they chanted a famous slogan “Sida Halima Khaliif qalabada hayska qaadin = don’t be shameless like Halima Khaliif”. I would like to introduce to you another Somali female activist, well-known hero Mrs. Hawo Yarey Hawo Yarey was the first Somali female who run as a candidate in the general elections of 1969. She won the seat gaining landslide victory, in Ceelbuur district but male dominated society denied her deserved seat in the Parliament, (electoral fraud, see the Soviet Union in the Horn of Africa by Robert Patman page 97). May Allah have mercy both of them for championing women’s rights. “Hawo Yarey & Magool” were two feminist pioneers who endured long struggle so as to secure women rights. However without evidence of Magool’s image carrying gun or recorded voice, and accusing her only on hearsay, is extremely unfair to tarnish someone’s reputation and good image of someone who is regarded as national hero and it is against the ethics of writing. If you want to find an active female warlord betting civil war drums today there are plenty of them in Somalia. Usual humans have two eyes and two ears, please use both your eyes and ears, and also be fair and impartial. Please take a piece of paper and pen then write short article about notorious old woman like Halima Soofe who daily incites tribal hatred which could lead to a new civil war, please see below links: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5Dae00I_qtQ http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=iHymhALjfIo You praised whole heartily singer Saada Ali Warsame and believed boosting up rumours saying that Saada is brave singer who sang the famous “Land cruiser song” composed by Abdi Muhumud Amiin. It is true that in the troubled years of the 90s Saada was courageous and had sung anti regime songs, but she later changed her struggle to become tribal minded. Traditionally, Somalis are ardent supporters to their tribe rightly or wrongly, and Saada was one of them despite her fame, talent, & sweet voice. Saada unfortunately played her role in the civil war and supported her tribe particularly the battle of ‘Kalshaale’ between Dhulbahante and Habarjeclo tribes. Currently she composed new song “dhiigshiil hadhigan = don’t deposit your savings in Dahabshiil” in order to destroy Dahbshiil’s reputations as a Company, owned by Habarjeclo businessmen, please see the below link: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6hRxrPfbioA Her tireless efforts and her financial injection, through her own NGO “Gurmad”, in favour of her tribe, she secured a seat in the national parliament as a reward from her tribe, without contest. In the political dispute between Somaliland & Puntland, critics say that Saada always supports Puntland purely on tribal grounds. Instead of visiting her native town Las’anod she prefers to stay in Growe, because Las’anod is under administration of Somaliland. This reflects Saada’s true dual personality. Without deviating further from the main point, it seems that you are highly partisan in your writings about the clan competition in Somalia. Rumours circulating inside Somalia suggest that Ms Lidwien Kapteijns is roommate partner of a Somali man from Puntland regions and that all her writings are coached in bedroom as stereotype record. Since I am living in Mogadishu I can’t verify whether this rumour is true or fabricated. If these rumours turn out to be genuine story, then dear sister in-law, with all due respect, I request you to use, in the future, when writing, a room with full bright light and be fair among Somali clans, not ‘qaraabo waa qaar dambe = intimacy is affinity’. Kindly tell the truth even if it hurts your beloved ones.